英语课文翻译
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Unit 1 The Hidden Side of Happine 1 Hurricanes, house fires, cancer, whitewater rafting accidents, plane crashes, vicious attacks in dark alleyways.Nobody asks for any of it.But to their surprise, many people find that enduring such a harrowing ordeal ultimately changes them for the better.Their refrain might go something like this: \"I wish it hadn\'t happened, but I\'m a better person for it.\" 1飓风、房屋失火、癌症、激流漂筏失事、坠机、昏暗小巷遭歹徒袭击，没人想找上这些事儿。但出人意料的是，很多人发现遭受这样一次痛苦的磨难最终会使他们向好的方面转变。他们可能都会这样说:“我希望这事没发生，但因为它我变得更完美了。”
2 We love to hear the stories of people who have been transformed by their tribulations, perhaps because they testify to a bona fide type of psychological truth, one that sometimes gets lost amid endle reports of disaster: There seems to be a built-in human capacity to flourish under the most difficult circumstances.Positive responses to profoundly disturbing experiences are not limited to the toughest or the bravest.In fact, roughly half the people who struggle with adversity say that their lives subsequently in some ways improved.2我们都爱听人们经历苦难后发生转变的故事，可能是因为这些故事证实了一条真正的心理学上的真理，这条真理有时会湮没在无数关于灾难的报道中:在最困难的境况中，人所具有的一种内在的奋发向上的能力会进发出来。对那些令人极度恐慌的经历作出?积极回应的并不仅限于最坚强或最勇敢的人。实际上，大约半数与逆境抗争过的人都说他们的生活从此在某些方面有了改善。
3 This and other promising findings about the life-changing effects of crises are the province of the new science of post-traumatic growth.This fledgling field has already proved the truth of what once paed as bromide: What doesn\'t kill you can actually make you stronger.Post-traumatic stre is far from the only poible outcome.In the wake of even the most terrifying experiences, only a small proportion of adults become chronically troubled.More commonly, people rebound-or even eventually thrive.3诸如此类有关危机改变一生的发现有着可观的研究前景，这正是创伤后成长这一新学科的研究领域。这一新兴领域已经证实了曾经被视为陈词滥调的一个真理:大难不死，意志弥坚。创伤后压力绝不是唯一可能的结果。在遭遇了即使最可怕的经历之后，也只有一小部分成年人会受到长期的心理折磨。更常见的情况是，人们会恢复过来—甚至最终会成功发达。
4 Those who weather adversity well are living proof of the paradoxes of happine.We need more than pleasure to live the best poible life.Our contemporary quest for happine has shriveled to a hunt for bli-a life protected from bad feelings,free from pain and confusion.4那些经受住苦难打击的人是有关幸福悖论的生动例证:为了尽可能地过上最好的生活，我们所需要的不仅仅是愉悦的感受。我们这个时代的人对幸福的追求已经缩小到只追求福气:一生没有烦恼，没有痛苦和困惑。
5 This anodyne definition of well-being leaves out the better half of the story, the rich, full joy that comes from a meaningful life.It is the dark matter of happine,the ineffable quality we admire in wise men and women and aspire to cultivate in our
1 own lives.It turns out that some of the people who have suffered the most, who have been forced to contend with shocks they never anticipated and to rethink the meaning of their lives, may have the most to tell us about that profound and intensely fulfilling journey that philosophers used to call the search for \"the good life\".5这种对幸福的平淡定义忽略了问题的主要方面—种富有意义的生活所带来的那种丰富、完整的愉悦。那就是幸福背后隐藏的那种本质—是我们在明智的男男女女身上所欣赏到并渴望在我们自己生活中培育的那种不可言喻的品质。事实证明，一些遭受苦难最多的人-他们被迫全力应付他们未曾预料到的打击，并重新思考他们生活的意义—或许对那种深刻的、给人以强烈满足感的人生经历(哲学家们过去称之为对“美好生活”的探寻)最有发言权。
6 This broader definition of good living blends deep satisfaction and a profound connection to others through empathy.It is dominated by happy feelings but seasoned also with nostalgia and regret.\"Happine is only one among many values in human life,\" contends Laura King, a psychologist at the University of Miouri in Columbia.Compaion, wisdom, altruism, insight, creativity-sometimes only the trials of adversity can foster these qualities, because sometimes only drastic situations can force us to take on the painful proce of change.To live a full human life, a tranquil, carefree existence is not enough.We also need to grow-and sometimes growing hurts.6这种对美好生活的更为广泛的定义把深深的满足感和一种通过移情与他人建立的深切联系融合在一起。它主要受愉悦情感的支配，但同时也夹杂着惆怅和悔恨。密苏里大学哥伦比亚分校的心理学家劳拉?金认为:“幸福仅仅是许许多多人生价值中的一种。”慈悲、智慧、无私、.洞察力及创造力—有时只有经历逆境的考验才能培育这些品质，因为有时只有极端的情形才能迫使我们去承受痛苦的改变过程。只过安宁的、无忧无虑的生活是不足以体验一段完整的人生的。(此文来自袁勇兵博客)我们也需要成长-尽管有时成长是痛苦的。
7 In a dark room in Queens, New York, 31-year-old fashion designer Tracy Cyr believed she was dying.A few months before, she had stopped taking the powerful immune-suppreing drugs that kept her arthritis in check.She never anticipated what would happen: a withdrawal reactions that eventually left her in total body agony and neurological meltdown.The slightest movement-trying to swallow, fqr example-was excruciating.Even the preure of her cheek on the pillow was almost unbearable.7在纽约市皇后区一间漆黑的房间里，31岁的时装设计师特蕾西?塞尔感到自己奄奄一息。就在几个月前，她已经停止服用控制她关节炎的强效免疫抑制药。她从没预见到接下来将要发生的事:停药之后的反应最终使她全身剧烈疼痛，神经系统出现严重问题。最轻微的动作—比如说试着吞咽—对她来说也痛苦不堪。甚至将脸压在枕头上也几乎难以忍受。
8 Cyr is no wimp-diagnosed with juvenile rheumatoid arthritis at the age of two, she had endured the symptoms and the treatments (drugs, surgery) her whole life.But this time,she was way6 past her limits, and nothing her doctors did seemed to help.Either the disease was going to kill her or, pretty soon, she felt she might have to kill herself.
2 8塞尔并不是懦弱的人。她在两岁时就被诊断得了幼年型类风湿性关节炎，一生都在忍?受着病症和治疗(药物、手术)的折磨。但是这一次，她实在不堪忍受了，她的医生所做的一切似乎都不起作用。要么让疾病结束她的生命，要么她就得很快了结自己的生命了。
9 As her sleeple nights wore on, though, her suicidal thoughts began to be interrupted by new feelings of gratitude.She was still in agony, but a new consciousne grew stronger each night: an awesome sense of liberation, combined with an all-encompaing feeling of sympathy and compaion.\"I felt stripped of everything I\'d ever identified myself with,\" she said six months later.\"Everything I thought I\'d known or believed in was usele-time, money, self-image, perception.Recognizing that was so freeing.\" 9然而，在经历了若干个不眠之夜后，她想自杀的念头开始被新的感激之情所打断。虽然她仍然感到痛苦，但一种新的意识每一夜都变得更加强烈:一种令人惊叹的解脱感，结合着一种包容一切的同情和怜悯的情感。“我感到一切我曾经用来认同?自己身份的东西都被剥夺了，”六个月后她这样说道，“一切我认为我知道或相信的事物—时间、金钱、自我形象、对事物的看法—都毫无价值了。意识到这一点真是让我感到解脱。”
10 Within a few months, she began to be able to move more freely, thanks to a cocktail of steroids and other drugs.She says now there\'s no question that her life is better.\"l felt I had been shown the secret of life and why we\'re here: to be happy and to nurture other life.It\'s that simple.\" 10在几个月内，得益于类固醇加其他药物的鸡尾酒疗法，她开始能够更加自如地活动了。她说，毫无疑问她现在的生活状况有了好转。“我感觉我窥探到了生命的秘密以及我们生存的意义，那就是快乐地生活，同时扶持他人。就这么简单!” 11 Her mind-blowing experience came as a total surprise.But that feeling of transformation is in some ways typical, says Rich Tedeschi, a profeor of psychology at the University of North Carolina in Charlotte who coined the term \"post-traumatic growth\".His studies of people who have endured extreme events, like combat, violent crime or sudden serious illne show that most feel dazed and anxious in the immediate aftermath; they are preoccupied with the idea that their lives have been shattered.A few are haunted long afterward by memory problems, sleep trouble and similar symptoms of post-traumatic stre disorder 7.But Tedeschi and others have found that for many people-perhaps even the majority-life ultimately becomes richer and more Gratifying.11她这种不可思议的经历完全是个惊喜。但是北卡罗来纳大学夏洛特分校心理学教授里奇?特德斯基认为，这种转变的感觉从某些方面看却是很典型的。里奇?特德斯基教授首创了“创伤后成长”一词。他对那些经历了诸如搏斗、暴力犯罪、突患重病等极端事件的人群进行了研究，这些研究表明，在刚经历不幸后大多数人随即都会感到茫然和焦虑。他们一心想的就是，自己的生活完全被毁了。有少部分人事后很久了还不断被记忆问题、失眠以及类似的创伤后应激障碍所折磨。但特德斯基和其他学者发现，对很多人(可能甚至是绝大多数人)来说，生活最终会变得更加丰富和更加令人满足。
12 Something similar happens to many people who experience a terrifying physical threat.In that moment, our sense of invulnerability is pierced, and the self-protective
3 mental armor that normally stands between us and our perceptions of the world is torn away.Our everyday life scripts-our habits, self-perceptions and aumptions-go out the window, and we are left with a raw experience of the world.12许多经历过恐怖的人身威胁的人会遇到类似的情况。在事情发生的那一瞬间，我们的安全感被冲破了，平时处于我们与我们对世界的种种看法之间的自我保护的精神盔甲被剥离了。我们的日常生活轨迹(我们的习惯、自我认识和主观意念)全部被抛到九霄云外，只剩下对世界的原始体验。
13 Still, actually implementing these changes, as well as fully coming to terms with a new reality, usually takes conscious effort.Being willing and able to take on this proce is one of the major differences between those who grow through adversity and those who are destroyed by it.The people who find value in adversity aren\'t the toughest or the most rational.What makes them different is that they are able to incorporate what happened into the story of their own life.13尽管如此，要实际实现这些转变并完全接受新的现实，通常需要有意识地付出努力。是否愿意并有能力承担这个过程，就是那些在灾难中成长和那些被灾难所摧毁的人之间主要的区别之一。认为灾难有价值的人并不是最坚强或最理性的人。使他们与众不同的是他们能够将所遭遇的事融入他们自己的人生历程中。” 14 Eventually, they may find themselves freed in ways they never imagined.Survivors say they have become more tolerant and forgiving of others, capable of bringing peace to formerly troubled relationships.They say that material ambitions suddenly seem silly and the pleasures of friends and family paramount-and that the crisis allowed them to recognize life in line with their new priorities.14最终，他们可能会发现自己以从未想到过的方式获得了解脱。幸存者往往说他们变得更加宽容，也更能原谅别人，能够缓和原本糟糕的关系。他们说物质追求突然间变得很无聊，而朋友和家庭带来的快乐变得极为重要，他们还说危机使他们能够按照这些新的优先之事来重新认识生活。
15 People who have grown from adversity often feel much le fear, despite the frightening things they\'ve been through.They are surprised by their own strength, confident that they can handle whatever else life throws at them.\"People don\'t say that what they went through was wonderful,\" says Tedeschi.\"They weren\'t meaning to grow from it.They were just trying to survive.But in retrospect, what they gained was more than they ever anticipated.\" 15从灾难中成长起来的人尽管经历过恐怖的事情，但他们的恐惧感往往大为减少。他们对自己的力量感到吃惊，相信不管今后生活中将要遭遇什么，他们都能应付。特德斯基说:“人们不会说他们所经历的是美好的。他们并不是特意要通过这样的经历来成长。他们只是尽其所能生存下来。但回顾起来，他们的收获远远大于他们所预料的。
16 In his recent book Satisfaction, Emory University psychiatrist Gregory Berns points to extreme endurance athletes who push themselves to their physical limits for days at a time.They cycle through the same sequence of sensations as do trauma survivors: self-lo, confusion and, finally, a new sense of mastery.For ultramarathoners, who regularly run 100-mile races that last more than 24 hours, vomiting and hallucinating are normal.After a day and night of running without stopping or sleeping, competitors sometimes forget who they are and what they are
4 doing.
16埃默里大学精神病学家格列高利?伯思斯在他的近作《满足》中指出，极限耐力运动员每次训练都要使自己的身体连续数天处于极限状态。他们和经历创伤的幸存者所经历的感觉过程一样:自我失落，困惑，最后获得一种新的驾驭感。对于经常跑超过24小时的l00英里比赛的超级马拉松运动员来说，呕吐和产生幻觉是常事。在一昼夜不停歇不睡觉地跑步之后，竞赛者有时会忘了自己是谁，忘了自己在干什么。
17 For a more common example of growth through adversity, look to one of life\'s biggest challenges: parenting.Having a baby has been shown to decrease levels of happine.The sleep deprivation and the neceity of putting aside personal pleasure in order to care for an infant mean that people with newborns are more likely to be depreed and find their marriage on the rocks.Nonethele, over the long haul, raising a child is one of the most rewarding and meaningful of all human undertakings.The short-term sacrifice of happine is outweighed by other benefits, like fulfillment, altruism and the chance to leave a meaningful Legacy.17更普遍的在逆境中成长的例子要数生命中最大的挑战之一:为人父母。生育孩子一直被认为会降低幸福程度。为了照顾婴儿而睡眠不足并且必须将自己的消遣撇到一边，意味着有了新生儿的人更有可能感到抑郁并且面临婚姻的危机。然而，长远看来，养育孩子是所有人类活动中最有意义、最值得去做的一件事情。短时间内牺牲了幸福，却有了更多的收获，比如满足感、无私以及有机会留下一笔意义深远的遗产。
18 Ultimately, the emotional reward can compensate for the pain and difficulty of adversity.This perspective does not cancel out what happened, but it puts it all in a different context: that it\'s poible to live an extraordinary rewarding life even within the constraints and struggles we face.In some form or other, says King, we all must go through this realization.\"You\'re not going to be the person you thought you were, but here\'s who you are going to be instead-and that turns out to be a pretty great life.\" 18总之，情感上的回报可以弥补灾难带来的痛苦和艰难。这种精神收获并不能抵消所发生的苦难，但是它可以把这些苦难全部放在另一个不同的背景中来看待，..那就是即使我们面临约束和挣扎，我们仍然可以生存得极有价值。金指出，我们所有的人都必须以这样或那样的形式经历这种觉悟。“你将不再是自己心目中曾经的你，取而代之的是一个新的你—而事实会证明生活从此将非常美好。”
Unit2 Commercialization and Changes in Sports 1.Throughout history sports have been used as forms of public entertainment.However,sports have never been so heavily packaged, promoted, presented and played as commercial products as they are today.Never before have decisions about sports and the social relationships connected with sports been so clearly influenced by economic factors.The bottom line has replaced the goal line for many people, and sports no longer exist simply for the interests of the athletes themselves.Fun and \"good games\" are now defined in terms of gate receipts, conceions revenues, the sale of media rights, market shares, rating points, and advertising potential.Then, what happens to sports when they become commercialized? Do they change when they become dependent on gate receipts and the sale of media rights?
5 1在整个历史长河中，人们都是把体育当作某种形式的公众娱乐。然而，体育从未像今天这样作为一种商业产品被如此盛大地包装、推广、呈现和开展，有关体育的决策以及与体育相关的社会关系也同样从未如此显然地受到商业因素的影响。对许多人来说，账本底线已取代了球门线，体育不再只是为了运动员们自身的兴趣而存在。今天，乐趣和“好比赛”的定义取决于门票收入、特许权收人、媒体传播权的出售、市场份额、收视率以及广告潜力。那么，当体育变得商业化时，它会怎样?当体育变得依赖于门票收人和媒体传播权的出售时，它会发生变化吗?2.We know that whenever any sport is converted into commercial entertainment, it succe depends on spectator appeal.Although spectators often have a variety of motives underlying their attachment to sports, their interest in any sporting event is usually related to a combination of three factors: the uncertainty of an event\'s outcome, the risk or financial rewards aociated with participating in an event，and the anticipated display of excellence or heroics by the athletes.In other words, when spectators refer to a \"good game\" or an \"exciting contest\", they are usually talking about one in which the outcome was in doubt until the last minutes or seconds, one in which the stakes\' were so high that athletes were totally committed to and engroed in the action, or one in which there were a number of excellent or \"heroic\" performances.When games or matches contain all three of these factors, they are remembered and discued for a long time.2我们知道，每当任何一项体育运动被转化为商业性娱乐活动时，它的成功就依赖于观众的兴趣。尽管观众对于体育的拥护背后潜藏着多种动机，但他们对体育比赛的兴趣通常与三种相结合的因素有关:比赛结果的不确定性，参加一项比赛相关的风险或经济回报，以及预期中的运动员的卓越、英勇表现。换句话说，当观众提及一场“不错的比赛”或一场“激动人心的比赛”时，这场比赛，通常在比赛即将结束的最后几分钟甚至儿秒钟时，结果仍然扑朔迷离;或者比赛涉及高额奖金，因而运动员们都全身心地投入比赛。或者比赛展示了许多出色的或者“英雄式”的表现。只要运动比赛包含所有这三方面因素，人们就会长时间记得并讨论这场比赛。
3.Commercialization has not had a dramatic effect on the format and goals of most sports.In spite of the influence of spectators, what has occurred historically is that sports have maintained their basic format.Innovations have been made within this framework, rather than completely dismantling the design of a game.For example, the commercialization of the Olympic Games has led to minor rule changes in certain events, but the basic structure of each Olympic sport has remained much the same as it was before the days of corporate endorsements and the sale of television rights.3商业化对于大多数体育运动的结构和目标没有太大的影响。尽管观众会对其产生影响，但在历史上，运动项目保持了它们的基本结构。创新也是在这一框架内进行的，并不会完全废除这项运动的基本设计。例如、奥运会的商业化导致了某些赛事规则的微小变化但其每项运动的基本结构还是和商家赞助及电视转播权出售之前基本一致。
4.Commercialization seems to affect the orientations of sport participants more than it does the format and goals of sports.To make money on a sport, it\'s neceary to attract a ma audience to buy tickets or watch the events on television.Attracting and entertaining a ma audience is not easy because it\'s made up of many people
6 who don\'t have technical knowledge about the complex athletic skills and strategies used by players and coaches.Without this technical knowledge, people are easily impreed by things extrinsic to the game or match itself; they get taken in by hype.During the event itself they often focus on things they can easily understand.They enjoy situations in which players take risks and face clear physical danger; they are attracted to players who are masters of dramatic expreion or who are willing to go beyond and their normal physical limits to the point of endangering their safety and well-being; and they like to see players committed to victory no matter what the personal cost.4看来，与运动的结构和目的相比，商业化更多的是影响运动参与者的取向。若要通过一项运动盈利，就必须吸引广大观众买门票或在电视上观看比赛。吸引和娱乐广大观众并非易事，因为这些观众中有很多人没有技木性的知识，因而不懂得运动员和教练采取的复杂竞技技巧和策略。由于缺乏这些技术性知识，人们容易受到运动或赛事之外的东西的影响，容易受到天花乱坠的宜传的迷惑。在比赛期间，他们经常关注那些他们容易理解的事情。他们喜欢那种运动员冒险并明显面临身体危险的情境，他们喜爱那些搜长戏剧化表现或者愿意超越正常的生理极限以致威胁到自己的安全和健康的运动员。他们喜欢看到运动员不惜代价，立志求胜。5.For example, when people lack technical knowledge about basketball, they are more likely to talk about a single slam dunks than about the consistently flawle defense that enabled a team to win a game.Similarly, those who know little about the technical aspects of ice skating are more entertained by triple and quadruple jumps than by routines carefully choreographed and practiced until they are smooth and flawle.Without dangerous jumps, naive spectators get bored.They like athletes who project\' exciting or controversial personas,and they often rate performances in terms of dramatic expreion leading to dramatic results.They want to see athletes occasionally collapse as they surpa physical limits, not athletes who know their limits so well they can succefully compete for years without going beyond them.5比如，当人们缺乏篮球方面的技术知识时，他们更津津乐道于某一个灌篮，而不会关注球队取胜必需的因素:自始至终配合得天衣无缝的后防。同样，那些对滑冰技术知之甚少的人，他们更感兴趣的是三连跳或四连跳，而不是那些精心设计并训练直至流畅、完美的舞步。没有惊险的跳跃，无知的观众会感到厌倦。他们喜欢那些表现得激动人心或有争议性的运动员。他们往往根据戏剧化的表现是否导致戏剧化的结果来评价比赛。他们想看运动员在超越自己极限时偶尔的突然失败，而不是多年来稳操胜券，熟知自己极限而不去超越它的运动员。
6.When a sport comes to depend on entertaining a ma audience, those involved in the sport often revise their ideas about what is important in sport.This revision usually involves a shift in emphasis from what might be called an aesthetic orientation to a heroic orientation In fact, the people in sport may even refer to games or matches as \"show-time\", an iey may refer to themselves as entertainers as well as athletes.This does not mean that aesthetic orientations disappear, but it does mean that they often take a back seat to the heroic actions that entertain spectators who don\'t know enough to appreciate the strategic and technical aspects of the game or match.6当一项体育运动变得依赖于娱乐广大观众时，对于运动中什么才是重要的，运
7 动参与者们往往会改变观念。这一改变常常意味着重心从所谓的美学取向向英雄主义取向转变。其实，运动员可能甚至把运动或比赛称为“表演秀”，并把自己称作表演者兼运动员。这并不意味着美学取向不复存在了，但是这确实意味着与英雄主义行为相比，它们常常退居其后。英雄主义行为吸引着那些没有足够的知识欣赏运动或比赛的策略和技术的观众。
7.As the need to please naive audiences becomes greater, so does the emphasis on heroic orientations.This is why television commentators for US football games continually talk about danger, injuries, playing with pain, and courage.Some athletes, however, realize the dangers aociated with heroic orientations and try to slow the move away from aesthetic orientations in their sports.For example, some former figure skaters have called for restrictions on the number of triple jumps that can be included in skating programs.These skaters are worried that the commercial succe of their sport is coming to rely on the danger of movement rather than the beauty of movement.However, some skaters seem to be willing to adopt heroic orientations if this is what will please audiences and generate revenues.These athletes usually evaluate themselves and other athletes in terms of the sport ethic, and they learn to see heroic actions signs of true commitment and dedication to their sport.7取悦无知观众的需求越强烈，就越会强调英雄主义取向。这就是为什么美国橄榄球比赛的电视评论员喋喋不休地谈论危险、受伤、带伤比赛和胆量。不过，有些运动员意识到了与英雄主义取向随之而来的危险，并试图在他们的运动中放慢偏离美学取向的步伐。比如，一些前花样滑冰运动员已经呼吁限制滑冰项目中三连跳的数量。这些滑冰运动员担心，他们的体育项目在商业上的成功正越来越依赖于动作的危险性，而不是动作的美感。然而，另外一些滑冰运动员似乎愿意采取英雄主义取向，只要这样能取悦观众，获得收入。这些运动员用体育道德规范去评价自己和他人，他们还学会把英雄主义行为看成是真正地投入及为运动献身的标志。
Commercialization also leads to changes in the organizations that control sports.When sports begin to depend on generating revenues, the control of sport organizations usually shifts further and further away from the players.In fact, the players often lose effective control over the conditions of their own participation in the sport.These conditions come under the control of general managers，team owners，corporate sponsors, advertisers, media personnel, marketing and publicity staff, profeional management staff, accountants, and agents.8商业化同样会导致那些控制体育的组织发生变化。当体育开始依赖于创造收入时，体育组织的控制权就会离运动员越来越远。事实上，运动员常常对于自身的体育参与环境失去有效控制。这些环境越来越受控于下列人员:总经理、运动队老板、企业赞助商、广告商、传媒人员、营销和宜传推广人员、专业管理人员、会计师以及经纪人。
9..The organizations that control commercial sports are usually complex, since they are intended to coordinate the interests of all these people, but their primary goal is to maximize revenues.This means that organizational decisions generally reflect the combined economic interests of many people having no direct personal connection with a sport or with the athletes involved.The power to affect these decisions is grounded in a variety of resources, many of which are not even connected with
8 sports.Therefore athletes in many commercial sports find themselves cut out of decision-making procees even when decisions affect their health and well-being.9那些控制商业体育的组织通常非常复杂，这是因为它们企图协调上述所有人的利益，但它们的首要目标还是盈利最大化。这意味着组织决策通常反映的是许多人的混合利益，而他们与体育或相关运动员没有直接联系。影响这些决策的力量根植于各种不同的资源，其中许多甚至与体育没有关联。因此，许多商业体育中的运动员发现自己被逐出了决策过程，即便这些决策影响到他们的健康和幸福。
Unit4 Is Google Making Us Stupid 1.Over the past few years I\'ve had an uncomfortable sense that someone, or something,has been tinkering with my brain, remapping the neural circuitry, reprograming the memory.My mind isn\'t going一
so far as I can tell一
but it\'s changing.I\'m not thinking the way I used to think.I can feel it most strongly when I’m reading.Immersing myself in a book or a lengthy article used to be easy.My mind would get caught up in the narrative or the turns of the argument, and I’d spend hours strolling through long stretches of prose.That\'s rarely the case anymore.Now my concentration often starts to drift after two or three pages.I get fidgety, lose the thread, begin looking for something else to do.I feel as if I\'m always dragging my wayward brain back to the text.The deep reading that used to come naturally has become a struggle.1在过去的几年里，我老有一种不祥之感，觉得有什么人，或什么东西，一直在我脑袋里捣鼓不停，重绘我的脑电图，重写我的脑内存。我的思想倒没跑掉—到目前为止我还能这么说，但它正在改变。我的思维方式在变。这种感觉在我阅读的时候尤为强烈。过去总是不费劲就能让自己沉浸在一本书或一篇长文章中，被其中的叙述或不同的论点深深吸引。我还会花数小时徜徉在长篇散文中。可如今这都不灵了。现在，我翻上两三页书，注意力就开始不集中了。我会变得烦躁，抓不住重点，开始想找点其他的事情做。我感觉我似乎要硬拖着我任性的大脑才能回到文章中。原本轻松自然的深度阅读，已成了痛苦挣扎。
2.I think I know what\'s going on.For more than a decade now, I\'ve been spending a lot of time online, searching and surfing and sometimes adding to the great databases of the Internet.The Web has been a godsend to me as a writer.Research that once required days in the stacks or periodical rooms of libraries can now be done in minutes.A few Google searches, some quick clicks on hyperlinks, and I\'ve got the telltale fact or pithy quote I was after.Even when I\'m not working, I\'m as likely as not to be foraging in the Web\'s info-thickets2-reading and writing emails, scanning headlines and blog posts, watching videos and listening to podcasts, or just tripping from link to link to link.(Unlike footnotes, to which they\'re sometimes likened, hyperlinks don\'t merely point to related works; they propel you toward them.) 2我想我知道到底是怎么一回事了。十多年来，我在网上花了好多时间，在因特网的信息汪洋中冲浪、搜寻、添加。对作家而言，网络就像个天上掉下来的聚宝盆。过去要在书堆里或图书馆的期刊阅览室中花上好几天做的研究，现在几分钟就齐活。“谷歌”几下，快速点开几个链接，就可以找到我所需要的事实或者精炼的引证。即使在工作之余，我也很有可能在信息丰富的网络里遨游—收发电子邮件、浏览头条新闻、点击博客、看视频、听播客或者只是从一个链接跳转到一个又一个链接。(超链接常被比作脚注，但是和脚注不一样，超链接不仅仅链接
9 到相关作品;它们还驱使你去点击创门。) 3.For me, as for others , the Net is becoming a universa一medium, the conduit for most of the information that flows through my eyes and ears and into my mind.The advantages of having immediate acce to such an incredibly rich store of information are many, and they\'ve been widely described and duly applauded.\"The perfect recall of silicon memory,\" Wired\'s0 Clive Thompson has written, \"can be an enormous boon to thinking.\" But that boon comes at a price.As the media theorist Marshall McLuhan pointed out in the 1960s, media are not just paive channels of information.They supply the stuff of thought, but they also shape the proce of thought.And what the Net seems to be doing is chipping away at my capacity for concentration and contemplation.My mind now expects to take in information the way the Net distributes it: in a swiftly moving stream of particles.Once I was a scuba diver in the sea of words.Now I zip along the surface like a guy on a Jet Ski.3对我来说，像对其他人也一样，网络已经成为了一种通用的媒介，大部分信息都通过这个渠道进人我们的眼、耳，最后进人我们的大脑。能从这样一个异常丰富的信息库中直接获取信息，其优点是很多的，而且也得到了广泛的描述和适当的赞誉。“硅存储器的完美记忆性，”《连线》杂志的克莱夫?汤普森写道，“对于思想来说是一个大实惠。”但是这个实惠是要付出代价的。(此文来自袁勇兵博客)就像媒体理论家马歇尔?麦克卢恩在上世纪60年代所指出的那样，媒体可不只是被动的信息渠道。它们不但提供了思想的源泉，也塑造了思想的进程。网络似乎粉碎了我专注与沉思的能力。现如今，我的脑袋就盼着以网络提供信息的方式来获取信息:飞快的微粒运动。曾经我是文字海洋中的潜水者，现在我则像是摩托艇骑手在海面上风驰电掣。
4.I’m not the only one.When I mention my troubles with reading to friends and acquaintances-literary types, most of them-many say they\'re having similar experiences.The more they use the Web, the more they have to fight to stay focused on long pieces of writing.Some of the bloggers I follow have also begun mentioning the phenomenon.Scott Karp, who writes a blog about online media, recently confeed that he has stopped reading books altogether.\"I was a lit major in college, and used to be a voracious book reader,\" he wrote.\"What happened?\" He speculates on the answer: \"What if I do all my reading on the web not so much because the way I read has changed, i.e.I\'m just seeking convenience, but because the way I think has changed?\" 4我并不是唯一一个有此感觉的人。当我向文学界的朋友和熟人提到我在阅读方面的困扰，许多人说他们也有同样的感受。他们上网越多，在阅读长文章时，就越难集中精力。我所关注的一些博主也提到了类似的现象。斯科特?卡普开了一个有关在线媒体的博客，最近他承认自己已经完全不读书了。“我大学读的是文学专业，曾经是一个嗜书如命的人，”他写道。“到底发生了什么事呢?”他推测出了一个答案:“如果对我来说，通过网络来阅读的真正理由与其说是我的阅读方式发生了改变，比如，我只是图个方便，不如说是我的思维方式在发生变化，那么我该怎么办呢?”
5.Bruce Friedman, who blogs regularly about the use of computers in medicine, also has described how the Internet has altered his mental habits.\"I now have almost totally lost the ability to read and absorb a longish article on the web or in print,\" he
10 wrote earlier this year.A pathologist who has long been on the faculty of the University of Michigan Medical School, Friedman elaborated on his comment in a telephone conversation with me.His thinking, he said, has taken on a \"staccato\" quality, reflecting the way he quickly scans short paages of text from many sources online.\"I can\'t read War and Peace anymore,\"he admitted \"I\'ve lost the ability to do that.Even a blog post of more than three or four paragraph is too much to absorb.I skim it.\" 5布鲁斯?弗里德曼经常撰写有关电脑在医学领域应用的文章。他在早些时候同样提到因特网如何改变了他的思维习惯。“稍长些的文章，不管是网上的还是已经出版的，我现在几乎已经完全丧失了阅读它们的能力。”在密歇根大学医学院长期任教的病理学家布鲁斯，弗里德曼在电话里告诉我，由于上网快速浏览文章的习惯，他的思维呈现出一种“碎读”特性。“我再也读不了《战争与和平》了。”弗里德曼承认，“我失去了这个本事。即便是一篇长达三四段的博客也难以消化。我只能略微浏览一下。”
6.Anecdotes alone don\'t prove much.And we still await the long-term neurological and psychological experiments that will provide a definitive picture of how the Internet use affects cognition.But a recently published study of online research habits, conducted by scholars from University College London, suggests that we may well be in the midst of a sea change in the way we read and think.As part of the five-year research program, the scholars examined computer logs\' documenting the behavior of visitors to two popular research sites, one operated by the British Library and one by a UK educational consortium, that provide acce to journal articles, e-books, and other sources of written information.They found that people using the sites exhibited \"a form of skimming activity\", hopping from one source to another and rarely returning to any source they\'d already visited.They typically read no more than one or two pages of an article or book before they would \"bounce\" out to another site.Sometimes they\'d save a long article, but there\'s no evidence that they ever went back and actually read it.6仅仅是趣闻轶事还不能证明什么。我们仍在等待长期的神经学和心理学的实验，这将给因特网如何影响到我们的认识一个权威的定论。伦敦大学学院的学者做了一个网络研读习惯的研究并发表了研究结果。该研究指出，我们可能已经彻底置身于阅读与思考方式的巨变之中了。作为五年研究计划的一部分，学者们检测了计算机日志，它跟踪记录了两个流行的搜索网站的用户行为。其中一个网站是英国图书馆的，另一个是英国教育社团的，他们提供了期刊论文、电子书以及其他一些文献资源。他们发现，人们上网时呈现出“一种浮光掠影般的形式”，总是从一个资源跳到另一个资源，并且很少返回他们之前访问过的资源。他们常常还没读完一两页文章或书籍，就“弹”出来转到另一个网页去了。有时候他们会保存一个篇幅长的文章，但没有任何证据表明他们曾经返回去认真阅读。
7.Thanks to the ubiquity of text on the Internet, not to mention the popularity of text- meaging on cell phones, we may well be reading more today than we did in the 1970s or 1980s, when television was our medium of choice.But it\'s a different kind of reading, and behind it lies a different kind of thinking-perhaps even a new sense of the self.\' \"We are not only what we read,\" says Maryanne Wolf, a developmental psychologist at Tufts University and the author of Proust and the
11 Squid: The Story and Science of the Reading Brain, \"We are how we read.\" Wolf worries that the style of reading promoted by the Net, a style that puts \"efficiency\" and \"immediacy\" above all else, may be weakening our capacity for the kind of deep reading that emerged when an earlier technology, the printing pre, made long and complex works of prose commonplace.When we read online, she says, we tend to become \"mere decoders of information\".Our ability to interpret text, to make the rich mental connections that form when we read deeply and without distraction, remains largely disengaged.7多亏铺天盖地的网络文本，更别说当下时兴的手机短信，可供我们阅读的东西很可能比上世纪七八十年代要多了，那时，我们选择的媒体还是电视。但是，这已是另一种阅读模式，背后隐藏的是另一种思考方式—也许甚至是一种全新的自我意识。“不仅阅读的内容塑造了我们，”塔夫茨大学的发展心理学家、《普鲁斯特与鱿鱼:阅读思维的科学与故事》的作者玛丽安娜?沃尔夫说，“阅读方式也体现了我们自身。”沃尔夫担忧，网络所倡导的将“丰富”与“时效性”置于首位的阅读方式可能已经削弱了那种深度阅读能力。深度阅读能力的形成应归功于早期印刷术的发明，有了它，长而复杂的散文作品也相当普遍了。然而，她说，当我们在线阅读时，我们往往只是一“信息解码器”而已。我们对文句的设释，心无旁鹜、深度阅读时形成的丰富的精神联系，这些能力很大程度上已经消失了。 8.Reading, explains Wolf, is not an instinctive skill for human beings.It\'s not etched into our genes the way speech is.We have to teach our minds how to translate the symbolic characters we see into the language we understand.And the media or other technologies we use in learning and practicing the craft of reading play an important part in shaping the neural circuits inside our brains.Experiments demonstrate that readers of ideograms, such as the Chinese, develop a mental circuitry for reading that is very different from the circuitry found in those of us whose written language employs an alphabet.The variations extend acro many regions of the brain, including those that govern such eential cognitive functions as memory and the interpretation of visual and auditory stimuli.We can expect as well that the circuits woven by our use of the Net will be different from those woven by our reading of books and other printed Works.8沃尔夫认为，阅读并非人类与生俱来的技巧，它不像说话那样融人了我们的基因。我们得训练自己的大脑，让它学会如何将我们所看到的字符译解成自己可以理解的语言。而媒体或其他我们用于学习和练习阅读的技术在塑造我们大脑的神经电路中扮演着重要角色。实验表明，表意字读者(如中国人)为阅读所创建的神经电路和我们这些用字母语言的人有很大的区别。这种变化延伸到大脑的多个区域，包括那些支配诸如记忆、视觉设释和听觉刺激这样的关键认知功能的部位。我们可以预料，使用网络阅读形成的思维，一定也和通过阅读书籍及其他印刷品形成的思维不一样。9.Sometime in 1882, Friedrich Nietzsche bought a typewriter.His vision was failing, and keeping his eyes focused on a page had become exhausting and painful, often bringing on crushing headaches.He had been forced to curtail his writing, and he feared that he would soon have to give it up.The typewriter rescued him, at least for a time.Once he had mastered touch-typing, he was able to write with his eyes closed, using only the tips of his fingers.Words could once again flow from his mind to the page.
12 9 1882年，弗里德里希?尼采买了台打字机。此时的他，视力下降得厉害，长时间盯着一张纸会令他感觉疲惫、疼痛，还常常引起剧烈的头痛。他只得被迫缩减他的写作时间，并担心自己今后恐怕不得不放弃写作了。但打字机救了他，起码一度挽救过他。他终于熟能生巧，闭着眼睛只用手指尖也能打字—盲打。心中的词句又得以倾泻于纸页之上了。
But the machine had a subtler effect on his work.One of Nietzsche\'s friends, a composer, noticed a change in the style of his writing.His already terse prose had become even tighter, more telegraphic.\"Perhaps you will through this instrument even ntake to a new idiom,\" the friend wrote in a letter, noting that, in his own work, his \"`thoughts\' in music and language often depend on the quality of pen and paper.\" 10然而，新机器也使其作品的风格发生了微妙的变化。尼采的一个作曲家朋友注意到他行文风格的改变。他那已经十分简练的行文变得更紧凑、‘更电文式了。“或许就因为这个仪器，你甚至可能会喜欢上一个新短语，”这位朋友在一封信中提到，在他自己的作品中，他“在音乐和语言方面的‘思想’常常要依赖于笔和纸的质量”。
Unit7 the poetry of architecture 1 The science of Architecture, followed out to its full extent, is one of the noblest of those which have reference only to the creations of human minds.It is not merely a science of the rule and compa, it does not consist only in the observation of just rule or of fair proportion; it is , or ought to be, a science of feeling more than of rule, a majesty of a building depend upon its pleasing certain prejudices of the eye, than upon its rousing certain trains of meditation in the mind, it will show in a moment how many intricate question of feeling are involved in the raising of an edifice; it will convince us of the truth of proposition, which might at first have appeared startling, that no man can be an architect who is not a metaphysician.建筑科学，如果得以充分体现的话，是只与人类心智创造有关的科学中最高贵的科学之一。它不仅仅是尺子与圆规的科学，不仅仅需要遵守恰当的规则或合适的比例，它是或者应该是，一门重感情胜过于规则的科学，它更多的是服务于心灵，而非眼睛。如果我们明白，一座建筑的美和雄伟，很大程度上取决于它能引发心灵的一系列沉思，而非来自于它能满足视觉上的某种偏爱，我们很快就会发现，一座建筑的兴建会涉及多少错综复杂的情感问题。我们会因此而相信一个乍然一听不无惊人的论点，那就是，一个人如果不是玄学家，就无法成为建筑师。 2 To the illustration of the department of this noble science which may be designated The Poetry of Architecture, this and some future articles will be dedicated.It is this peculiarity of the art which constitutes its nationality;And it will be found as interesting as it is useful, to trace in the distinctive characters of the architecture of nations, not only its adaptation to the situation and climate in which it has arisen, but its strong similarity to, and connection with, the prevailing turn of mind by which the nation who first employed it is distinguished.对这一高尚科学进行说明的文本及今后要写的一些文章都将收入进我暂命名为《建筑之诗意》一书中。正是这一艺术特性构成了它的民族性。建筑不仅与其周围的环境和气候相适应，也与率先采用这种风格的民族的主流性情极其相似，密切关联，这些都可以从各民族的建筑特征中得以追溯，我们会发现，这种追溯既有益，亦有趣。
13 3 I consider the task I have imposed upon myself the more neceary, because this department of the science, perhaps regarded by some who have no ideas beyond stone and mortar as chimerical, and by others who think nothing neceary but truth and proportion as usele, is at a miserably low ebb in England.And what is the consequence?We have Corinthian columns placed beside pilasters of no order at all, surmounted by monstrosified pepper-boxes, Gothic in form and Grecian in detail, in a building nominally and peculiarly “National”; we have Swi cottages, falsely and calumniously so entitled, dropped in the brick-fields round the metropolis; and we have staring square-windowed, flat-roofed gentlemen’s seat, of the lath and plaster, mock-magnificent, Regent’t park description, rising on the woody promontories of Derwent Water.在我看来，赋予自己这项任务显得尤为重要，因为这门科学在英国正处于可悲的低谷之中：在那些只知石头和砂浆的人看来，它是虚妄幻想；在那些满脑袋只有事实和比例的人看来，它毫无用处。那么结果是什么呢？我们看到科林斯式的柱子竖立在杂乱无章的壁柱旁边，上面是怪异的胡椒罐式的塔顶，形式上是哥特式的，细节上是希腊式的，这种建筑美其名曰别具“民族特色”；我们看到所谓的“瑞士小屋”散落在周围的一片砖砌的房子中实在是糟践了这一名称；我们看到那些平顶、有着显眼的方窗，用条板和石灰建造而成的乡绅别墅，它们仿照摄政王公园的样式，冒充宏伟的气势，耸立在德文特湖林木丛生的岬角上。
4 How deeply is it to be regretted, how much is it to be wondered at, that, in a country whose school of painting, though degraded by its system of meretricious coloring, and disgraced by hosts of would-be imitators of inimitable individuals, is yet raised by the distinguished talent of those individuals to a place of well-deserved honor, and the studios of whose sculptors are filled with designs of the most pure simplicity, and most perfect animation;
the school of architecture should be so miserably debased! 多么令人惋惜，多么令人惊异啊。在这个国家，绘画学派虽然受到华而不实的着色方法的损害，并因成群试图东施效颦的模仿者而蒙羞，但在那些天分超群的画家的带动下，绘画享受着当之无愧的荣耀，雕塑家的工作室里随处可见最朴素却最富有生气的设计。
而建筑界竟会堕落到如此悲惨的境地！
5 There are, however, many reasons for a fact so lamentable.In the first place, the patrons of architecture (I am speaking of all claes of buildings, from the lowest to the highest) are a more numerous and le capable cla than those of painting…There, the power is generally diffused.Every citizen may box himself up in as barbarous a tenement as suits his taste or inclination;The architect is his vaal, and must permit him not only to criticize, but to perpetrate.The palace or the nobleman’s seat may be raised in good taste, and become the admiration of a nation; but the influence of their owner is terminated by the boundary of his estate: he has no command over the adjacent scenery,And the poeor of every 30 acres around him has him at his mercy.The streets of our cities are examples of the effects of this clashing of different tastes; and they are either remarkable for the utter absence of all attempt at embellishment, or disgraced by every variety of abomination…
14 不过，现实之所以令人惋惜，原因是多方面的。首先，建筑（我指的是所有等级的建筑，从最低等级到最高等级）的出资人，相比于绘画的赞助者来说，人数更庞大，能力却相形见绌。在建筑领域，权利总体上是分散的。每个公民可以按照自己的品味或爱好，住进粗鄙的房屋里。建筑师是他的仆从，不仅必须听任他批评，还得容忍他胡作非为。宫殿或贵族的宅邸也许能建出好品味，可以成为举国欣赏的对象，但这些建筑的主人的影响力到了地产的边界便中断了：他无法控制周边的景观。他住宅周围的人，只要拥有30英亩土地，就能对他随意摆布。我们的城市街道就体现了不同品位相互冲突的结果：他们或是因为毫无装饰之企图而引人注目，或是因为布满各种面目可憎的建筑而有失脸面。。。。。。
6 I shall attempt, therefore, to endeavor to illustrate the principle from the neglect of which these abuses have arisen; That of unity of feeling, the basis of all grace, the eence of all beauty.We shall consider the architecture of nations as it is influenced by their feelings and manners, as it is connected with the scenery in which it is found, and with the skies under which it was erected;We shall be led as much to the street and the cottage as to the temple and the tower;And shall be more interested in buildings raised by feeling, than in those corrected by rule.We shall commence with the lower cla of edifices, proceeding from the roadside to the village, and from the village to the city; and, if we succeed in directing the attention of a single individual more directly to this most interesting department of the science of architecture, we shall not have written in vain.因此，我要尽力尝试对建筑原则进行阐释。正是由于漠视了原则，才会产生这些恶果。建筑的原则是感情的统一，这是所有优雅的基础、所有美得本质。当我们考察民族建筑时，应该考虑到它受到了人类情感和风俗的影响，它关乎周围的景致，关乎其下的那片天空。我们不仅应该考察殿堂与高塔，也要考察街道和村舍。我们应该将兴趣更多的投向用感情搭建而成的建筑，而不是用规则制定出来的建筑。我们应该从建筑的低级层次开始，从路边到村庄，再从村庄到城市；如果我们能够成功地进行引导，哪怕只有一个人为此更加直接的注意到建筑学中这最为有趣的领域，我们就没有白费笔墨。
10 文化有点类似于把一片消食片丢进一个玻璃杯里~一川;无法看见，但因为它，总会有事情 发生。
—汉斯•马格努斯•恩岑斯贝格尔 跨文化营销策略
雪莉•E.居 1 我们几乎都听说过这样一个销售案例:美国通用汽车公司试图在拉丁美洲销售他们的Nova车型，结果发现在西班牙语中，“no va”的字面意思是“它走不了”。当然，同样有名的还有另外一个案例:可口可乐第一次登陆中国市场时，这种软饮料的名字被译成“蛾蚌啃蜡”。
2 但是市场营销中的文化意识却远远不只是小心谨慎的翻译而已。每一种文化都有它的微妙和特别之处，同时还有一些直白的忌讳。虽然大多数人都无法详尽地罗列出他们自己文化中的条条框框，但他们却肯定知道什么时候人们违背了他们的文化传统。对我们来说，自己所属的文化往往是看不见的，但是，当我们身处异地时，我们碰到的文化差异却令我们感到古怪、有趣或奇特。因此，要辨明另一国家不成文的规定到底有多么困难呢? 3 看来，去目标市场进行调查仍然是不二之选了。.当你身处异国他乡时，你就肯定会留意到审美观的差异。在那里，到底哪些味道或颜色更容易吸引购买者?你觉得很难吃的东西或很艳俗的装饰品对当地人来说就完全是另一回事。主人可能会问客人一些看似不礼貌的间题，
15 如“你多大啦?”或“你赚多少钱啊?”饮食、日程表、交通、个人便利等等都不能想当然。即便是购买最普通的物品，你也可以讨价还价。你没弄清楚所有的硬币，你也不懂任何人名字的含意。总之，一切都与在国内时不一样。 到目标市场走走也是吸收当今文化的黄金时机。任何与你平时生活模式有所不同的细节都能透露出当地居民的行为方式。但同样要记住的是，在培养和发展与客户或联系人的社会关系时，学会另一文化的规范行为举止虽然很重要，但这并不足以助你做一个全面的营销策划。最简单的文化差异也能搁浅最宏伟的计划。 例如，在将其洗涤剂引入日本市场之前，一家大型的家用产品公司花了数百万美金进行了市场营销活动。尽管如此，当他们的洗涤剂在日本上市时，销量却客客无几。事实上，几乎没有商店储备这种肥皂。是非关税贸易壁垒的缘故吗?不是，真正的原因要简单得多。典型的美国式经济大包装对于空间狭小的日本零售店来说俨然是“庞然大物”。而且，日本的家庭主妇一般没有车，她们步行到商店，然后买了商品拎回家—个很小的处所。
不同的文化因素—不仅包括宗教、迷信、家庭结构、饮食、语言和当地的历史，还延伸到对待事物的各种观念如政府、工作、权威、年龄、环境、时空和男女关系—都会影响人们的购买行为。最后，一种文化里的幽默感是很难界定的，而且这种幽默通常难以通过另一种文化领会或设释。除了具体的人口统计数据之外，很难清楚地界定或确定这些观念;而且，即使是带上文化烙印的根深蒂固的各种观念也确确实实在改变。 目标语很容易确定，但切忌笼统概括。在西班牙使用的西班牙语与在拉丁美洲使用的西班牙语并不完全一样。我们都听说过在汉语里大约有10,000种口语方言，而且我们也都意识到新加坡、其他一些国家和地区还在使用繁体汉字。但在中国大陆地区，繁体字已经基本上被简化字取代了。.自从香港回归以来，这一趋势也扩展到了香港特别行政区。在大陆，大多数40岁以下的中国人已经不会读繁体字了。 如果你能够把迷信和语言结合起来，你就能增强效果。在中国和日本，数字4与“死”谐音。因此，公司名字或联系信息里的数字4会有一种负面的含义。然而，数字8却被看作是一个幸运数字，于是有很多的产品名称都叫88或888。有数字8的电话号码代表着好运。地址里含有数字8的房产很可能会卖得更快，特别是当价格的尾数是\"888”的时候。这些数字迷信相当普遍，以致于在1988年8月8日(8/8/88)，香港的医院挤满了临产的孕妇，有的要求人工引产，有的甚至要求剖腹产。这样，他们的小孩就可以有幸运的生日了。.而且，1988 在美国，我们习惯于在竞技场上角逐，比较自身、公司和产品。但是，在欧盟和大多数亚洲国家，广告里是不接受、也不允许有比较行为的。.如果宜称某种软饮料要比其他的软饮料口感更佳，或者某一种品牌的汽车比其他汽车更可靠，这可能会招人反感(甚至会被诉诸法律)。欧盟的宣传活动，吹捧自己产品的优点或许是可行的，但却不能采用产品比较的策略，尽管这种方法在美国是司空见惯的。.某些地方的市民往往会比那些鲁莽行事的美国人要谦卑低调得多。在很多文化里，公司都会比较注重长期发展和公司信誉。 如果你正在策划视觉广告，那么你就有必要考虑非言语行为的地方差异，如手势、眼神交流、私人空间以及男女关系。数年前，有一部电影在中国上映，这部电影里出现了中国电影史上第一次接吻的镜头。当接吻镜头出现时，电影院里惊叹声一片。考虑到丰富的文化因素，公众之吻的较高冲击值可能会对你的广告产生截然相反的功效。
妄加推断一个泛亚洲市场或一位拉丁美洲或欧洲客户都有可能会酿成大错。在邻国文化里，并不见得一定会有共同的购买喜好;同样，美国消费者和墨西哥消费者的购物偏好也不尽相同。而且，国界也不一定总能区分消费行为，因为地区特色也一样会很明显。
文化的方方面面都可能会如投石入水，泛起涟漪。饮食习惯不仅会影响食品公司，也会影响经营日用品、厨具、储藏器皿、餐具、包装公司，以及获得经营权的餐饮、服务店。在有些亚洲地区不要用“快乐的绿巨人”，因为在当地文化里，男人戴绿帽子就表示他妻子对他不
16 忠。 要是能够聘请到一位了解当地文化的人充当目标市场文化顾问，那肯定再好不过了。预算不够，就去咨询跨境商会以获取有效的帮助。但是，在启动一项营销活动之前，可以先到市场上测试一下，这种测试通常在目标国家或地区具有代表性的大城市进行。一般来说，城市居民见多识广，他们的观念也兼容并包;同时，他们的收人往往是最高的，更具随意购买消费品的能力。
在类似这样的一次测试里，一家美国行李箱制造商发现文化同样会影响思维和感知。这家公司在中东地区策划了一则全新的广告—他们的行李箱乘坐在一块神奇的飞毯上。阿拉伯地区绝大多数的重点访谈人群则认为他们看到的是一则}.S\'di11S0i111e”牌的地毯广告。
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