林肯演讲稿

2020-07-15 来源：演讲稿收藏下载本文

推荐第1篇：林肯演讲稿

I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be true.I am not bound to succeed, but am bound to live up to what light I have.I must stand with anybody that stands right.Stand with him while is right and part with him when he goes wrong.That was remarked by one of the greatest presidents in the US history.And he is the very president that fascinates me most. He is Abraham Lincoln.

Unlike other presidents, he was not born in the upper cla.On the contrary, he had a very humble origin.His family was very poor.Both of his father and mother were farmers and illiterate.He didn’t go to Harvard or Princeton University like many celebrities did.In fact, he received le than one year’s formal education.But, with patient effort, doggy perseverance, he taught himself law.He attacked his legal studies with the same single-minded dedication and paion he reserved for reading and spent many hours trying to make up for the early learning he felt he lacked.As a practicing lawyer in the courts, he was admired by his fellow profeionals and regarded by everyone who met him with great affection.

After that, after a series of defeat, he finally became the president of the United Stated.Then he devoted all himself to the freedom of the slaves.Soon the Southern states rebelled.They set up a state of their own, where they would keep Negroes as slaves.

About south-north relationship, he once said that \"A house divided against itself cannot stand.\" Further, to state his intentions in a way that could not be misinterpreted, he said plainly: \"I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free.\"

Fighting broke out between the North and the South.This was the American Civil War.The war lasted four years and ended in the victory of the northern army.The nation was reunited and the slaves were all set free.On the fifth day after the surrender of the Confederate troop, Lincoln was shot to death at a theatre in Washington, D.C.The whole nation fell into a deep sorrow.

Looking back at his life, many people considered him to be the greatest president of all time.Yet it should be remembered how many defeats and sufferings he had been going through.

The genius of Abraham Lincoln is such that almost all American presidents and presidential aspirants since have turned to him for guidance and inspiration.Obama once wrote an article for Time Magazine in which he said: \"In Lincoln\'s rise from poverty, his ultimate mastery of language and law, his capacity to overcome personal lo and remain determined in the face of repeated defeat – in all this, he reminded me just...of my own struggles.\"

Yes, we have good reason to believe that family, personal history, education and situation, none of these can hold back a strong spirit.Everyone has “the right to rise”. Face things in front of us because the most formidable enemy lies within us.Though we may have little chance to become the president or we may never make that much great contributions made by Abraham Lincoln, but we can be the masters of our lives.

Thank you very much.

推荐第2篇：林肯演讲稿

Second Inaugural Addre of Abraham Lincoln

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1865

Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is le occasion for an extended addre than there was at the first.Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engroes the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.The progre of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.All dreaded it, all sought to avert it.While the inaugural addre was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to diolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation.Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained.Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result le fundamental and astounding.Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God\'s aistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men\'s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged.The prayers of both could not be answered.That of neither has been answered fully.The Almighty has His own purposes.\"Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.\" If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South

this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pa away.Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman\'s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said \"the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.\"

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmne in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation\'s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.亚伯拉罕·林肯

第二次演讲

星期六,1865年3月4日

包扎好国家的创伤

同胞们：

在这第二次宣誓就任总统时，我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。当时，对于将要执行的方针作出比较详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。现在，4年任期已满，对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这4年间已不断地发布公告，因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠，公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队进展的憎况，我深信，大家对之都是感到满意和鼓舞的，我们虽对未来抱有极大的希望，却下敢作出任何预测。4年前我就任总统时，同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上，大家都害怕内战，都想避免内战，当我在这个地方发表就职演说，竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时，叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解散联邦并分割财产。双方都表示反对战争，但一方宁愿发动战争而下借牺牲国家，另一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡，于是战争就爆发了。

我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并不是遍布于联邦各地，而是集中在联邦南部。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道，这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。叛乱者的目的是加强、永保和扩大这种利益，为此他们下惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府却只是宣布有权限制享有这种利益的地区的扩大。双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模，历时如此长久。双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除，甚至会提前消除。各方都期望赢得轻松些，期望结局不至于那么涉及根本，那么惊人。双方同读一本《圣经》，向同一个上帝祈祷，而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。看来十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从别人脸上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我们且勿评论别人，以免被人评论。双方的祷告不可能都应验。也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“这世界有祸了，因为将人绊倒，绊倒人的事是免不了的，但那绊倒人的有祸了。”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制是按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一，并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在，而现在上帝要予以铲除，于是他就把这场

可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难加诸南北双方，那么，我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗？相信上帝永存的人总是把无意归于上帝的。我们深情地期望，虔诚地祷告，这场巨大的战争灾祸能够很快地过去，但是如果上帝要它继续下去，直至奴隶们250年来无偿劳动所积聚的财富全部毁灭，或如人们在三千年前说过的，直至鞭于下流出的每一滴血都要用剑下流出的每一滴血来偿还，那么今天我们还得说：“主的审判是完全正确和公正的。”

对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，坚持正义，因为上帝使我们看到了正义，让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，关心那些肩负战争重任的人，照顾他们的遗孀孤儿，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。

推荐第3篇：林肯演讲稿

The Gettysburg

Addre

Abraham Lincoln

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自

1 由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务――我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝的福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

（朱曾汶译）

选自《英译汉名篇赏析》李亚丹主编

Gettysburg Battlefield

One of the bloodiest battles of the Civil War was fought in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on July 1-3, 1863.General Robert E.Lee came face to face with a Union army led by General George Meade.On July 3, Lee sent three divisions, about 15,000 men in all, against the Union.This oval-shaped map by Theodore Ditterline depicts troops and artillery positions along with roads, railways, and houses with names of residents.The Library has one of the finest collections of Civil War printed maps and the foremost collection of Confederate field maps, numbering more than 2,300.

* * * *

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推荐第4篇：林肯演讲稿

林肯：葛底斯堡演讲英文版

resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.\"

林肯：葛底斯堡演讲

1863年11月19日，林肯于葛底斯堡的演讲是其一生最著名的演讲。

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

推荐第5篇：林肯演讲稿

After that, after a series of defeat, he finally became the president of the United Stated.Then he devoted all himself to the freedom of the slaves.

Soon the Southern states rebelled.They set up a state of their own, where they would keep Negroes as slaves.

Fighting broke out between the North and the South.This was theAmerican Civil War.The war lasted four years and ended in the victory of the northern army.The nation was reunited and the slaves were allset free.On the fifth day after the surrender of the Confederate troop, Lincoln was shot to death at a theatre in Washington, D.C.The whole nation fell into a deep sorrow.

Looking back at his life, many people considered him to be the greatest president of all time.Yet it should be remembered how many defeats and sufferings he had been going through.

The genius of Abraham Lincoln is such that almost all American presidents and presidential aspirants since have turned to him for guidance and inspiration.Obama once wrote an article for Time

Magazine in which he said: \"In Lincoln\'s rise from poverty, his ultimate

mastery of language and law, his capacity to overcome personal lo and remain determined in the face of repeated defeat – in all this, he reminded me just...of my own struggles.\"

Yes, we have good reason to believe that family, personal history, education and situation, none of these can hold back a strong spirit.Everyone has “the right to rise”.Face things in front of us because the most formidable enemy lies within us.Though we may have little chance to become the president or we may never make that much great

contributions made by Abraham Lincoln, but we can be the masters of our lives.Thank you very much.

推荐第6篇：英语演讲稿林肯

Emily/Canon 2012.12.26

An inspiring person to me(about five minutes)

Ladies and gentlemen:

Good morning! Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth president of America, poeed a legendary life and exerted a tremendous inspiration on me.It is his story that motivated me and encouraged me when adversities come to me.From him, I come to realize that if one can do something by persistence, then he or she will be extraordinary and succeed sooner or later.Now please allow me to briefly tell you about him.

At the age of 22, he suffered a lot from his busine, which made him awfully disappointed.Then he turned his mind into being a politician.Unfortunately, without enough economic funding and reputation, he failed again.Defeated twice in one year, he was undoubtedly painful.

Subsequently, he decided to run for the election of state legislator for the second time, this time, he succeeded.From then on, he grew a hope that maybe he would rapidly go up in the world.

Sadly, another misfortune fell on him after several years, his wife, as well as his spiritual support, paed away because of illne.This might be an extreme shock to him and he was next to collapsed.In 1843, he lost again in his election of American representatives.However, instead of being despair, Abraham Lincoln overcame his depreion and turned it into a motivation which eventually led him to become arguably one of the greatest presidents in America.Moreover, he got over constant ridicule during the Civil War even when he was a president.But he never became dejected because of it.

Actually, Abraham Lincoln could have given up every time he suffered.But, he faced up to all the difficulties with a brave heart anda strong will.He was one of those who not only looked adversity in an optimistic way but also learned valuable leons on overcoming difficult circumstances and were able to move ahead.

It inspires me a lot.As we all know, 800-meter-race is the neceary item to be tested in every semester, lacking adequate exercise, I always can’t finish the whole race.Since I learned more about Lincoln, every time I want to give up half way, his deeds will linger in my mind, this always supports me to achieve my goals.Never give up and everything is promising.

No quitting, so winning.It is the perseverance that keeps bright the key to the door of achievement so we have no reason but to persist in everything we are doing.

As Abraham Lincoln himself said, “I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards.” Facing up difficulties, he didn’t hang back or run away, but hold on and fight for it instead.He had never thought how he should do if he failed again, but just kept on.

There is no doubt that Abraham Lincoln is so great that he could inspire us all our life.No matter what time, no matter what may happen, I will never allow myself to give up.This spirit, will become my lifelong navigation.

Thank you for your attention.

推荐第7篇：林肯演讲稿（材料）

Gettysburg Addre Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

Abraham Lincoln

葛底斯堡演讲

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是声来平等的。

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

当前，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在考验，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献那个战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为那个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不能把它变为人们景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的勇士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会不大注意，更不会长久记得我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该献身于那些曾在此作战的人们所英勇推动而尚未完成的工作。我们应该在此献身于我们面前所留存的伟大工作--由于他们的光荣牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全部贡献的那个事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不能让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, for above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have

died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

推荐第8篇：亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿

亚伯拉罕.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，

不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。亚伯拉罕.林肯

推荐第9篇：林肯就职演讲稿,精品

林肯的第二任总统就职演说

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是： on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural addre was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to diolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph，and a result le fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods aistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmne in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations. 最后两段译文：

(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”

不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们 - 让我们竭尽全力，达成在我们中间，及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平。简单统计：

? 讲演总字数：699 ? 提到上帝次数：10(god: 6; the almighty: 1; lord: 1; he: 2) ? 提到祷告次数：3 ? 提到圣经次数：1 ? 引用圣经次数：2 所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(hey whitney)所总结的：“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求，求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”

这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午，当时在现场的记者noah brooks写到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间，阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层，放射出惊人的景象，荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来??而此时，林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。) -- 仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者，作为政治家，认为财富和权力更为重要。然而，随着美国内战战局的发展，林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义，越来越依靠神，承认自己和人的无能为力，开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。

例如，在1862年9月，在一个本来看似乐观的形势下，北方军却经历了在bull run的第二次战役的彻底失败，林肯开始认真的反思这次战争，并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时，他写下了“meditation on the divine will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails.in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god.both may be，and one must be，wrong.god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time.in the present civil war it is quite poible that gods purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻译是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中，双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是错的，因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标，但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻，据d.james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一书，林肯坐在戏院里，对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是：“你知道我现在想做什么吗？我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣) 诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼，随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”篇2：林肯的就职演讲稿

林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版) the gettysburg addre ?? gettysburg, pennsylvania ?? november 19, 1863 地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。篇3：林肯就职演讲稿中英版 gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth. 主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

推荐第10篇：林肯第二次就职演讲稿

在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。既

然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。

也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采用一切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着

国家灭亡。于是战争便打起来了。

在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我国南方。这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。双方都读着同一部《圣经》，祈祷于同一个上帝；每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方，而反对另一方。这看来也许有些不可思议，怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过，我们且不要论断别人，以免自己遭到论断吧。双方的祈祷都不可能得到回应；任何一方的祈祷也没有得到充分的回应。全能的上帝另有他自己的目标。“由于种种罪过，世界受难了!因为这些罪过是不可避免的；但是，让那引来罪过的人去受罪吧。”*如果我们假定美国的奴隶制是这里所说的罪恶之一，它按上帝的意旨是不可避免的，而现在在经过了上帝规定的时限之后，他决心要消灭它，再假定上帝使得南北双方进行了这场可怕的战争，以作为那些犯下罪过的人应该遭受到的苦难，那么我们从中能看出有什么地方有悖于信仰上帝的信徒们总是赋于永远存在的上帝的那种神性吗?我们衷心地希望——热情地祈祷——但愿这可怕的战争灾祸能迅速过去。然而，如果上帝一定要让它继续下去，一直到奴隶们通过二百五十年的无偿劳动所堆积起来的财富烟消云散，一直到，如三千年前人们所说的那样，用鞭子抽出的每一滴血都要用刀剑刺出的另一滴血来偿还，而到那时，我们也仍然得说，“主的审判是完全公正无误的”。** 我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；上帝既使我们认识正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们和所有

的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。篇2：林肯第二次就职演讲 second inaugural addre by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is le occasion for an extended addre than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engroes the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progre of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it; all sought to avert it.while the inaugural addre was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to diolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result le fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pa away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether. with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmne in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. 林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）

一八年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。各位同胞：

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。

而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。篇3：林肯第二次就职演说

林肯第二次就职演说

second inaugural addre by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is le occasion for an extended addre than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engroes the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progre of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it; all sought to avert it.while the inaugural addre was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to diolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern p art of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result le fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pa away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether. 林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）

一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。各位同胞：

们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

第11篇：美国总统林肯的演讲稿

美国总统林肯演讲稿

Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to addre you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President \"before he enters on the execution of this office.\"

I do not consider it neceary at present for me to discu those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the acceion of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addrees you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.

Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is eential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawle invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only pre upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause \"shall be delivered up\" their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pa a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that \"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States\"?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congre as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succeion administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great succe.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expreed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to aert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the expre provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impoible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an aociation of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by le than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Aociation in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States exprely plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was \"to form a more perfect Union.\"

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully poible, the Union is le perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself exprely enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unle my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unle it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and poe the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be neceary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unle repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as poible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unle current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need addre no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any poibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commiion of so fearful a mistake?

All profe to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly aured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain expre provisions for all poible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not exprely say.May Congre prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not exprely say.Must Congre protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not exprely say.

第12篇：英语演讲稿美国总统林肯

I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world.Truth be told, I never graduated from college.And this is the closest I\'ve ever gotten to a college graduation.Today I want to tell you three stories from my life.That\'s it.No big deal.Just three stories.

今天，我很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼，斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。说实话，（虽然）我从来没有从大学中毕业，但今天是我生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不说大道理，就是三个故事而已。

The first story is about connecting the dots.

第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。

I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit.So why did I drop out?

我在里德学院读了六个月之后就退学了，但是在十八个月以后，我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢？

It started before I was born.My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption.She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife.Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl.So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: \"We have an unexpected baby boy; do

you want him?\" They said: \"Of course.\" My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school.She refused to sign the final adoption papers.She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.This was the start in my life.故事要从我的出生说起。我的亲生母亲是一名年轻未婚的大学毕业生。她决定让别人收养我，她十分想让大学毕业生收养我。所以在我出生前，她已经准备一切，让一位律师和他的妻子收养。但是她没有料到，在我出生后，律师夫妇突然决定要一个女孩。所以，我的养父养母（他们当时还在候选名单上）突然在半夜接到了一个电话：“我们有一个意外降生的男婴，你们想收养他吗？”他们回答说： “当然！” 但是我亲生母亲随后发现，我的养母从未上过大学，我的养父高中没毕业。于是她拒绝签订收养合同。但在几个月以后，因为我的养父养母答应她一定要让我上大学，她才心软同意了。

And 17 years later I did go to college.But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-cla parents\' savings were being spent on my college tuition.After six months, I couldn\'t see the value in it.I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out.And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life.So I decided to drop out and would all work out OK.It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made.The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required claes that didn\'t interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked far more interesting.在十七岁那年，我的确上大学了。但我天真地选择了一个几乎和斯坦福大学一样贵的学校，我父母还处于工薪阶层，为了交学费，他们几乎耗光所有积蓄。六个月后，我几乎看不到在学校的价值。我不知道（我生命中）要追求什么，我也不知道学校是否能帮我找到答案。但在学校，我将花光我父母这一辈子的积蓄。所以，我决定退学，并且我相信车到山前必有路。（不可否认），我当时非常害怕，但现在回头来看，这个决定是我一生中最明智决定之一。在我做出退学决定后，我再也不用去上那些我丝毫没有兴趣的必修课，我开始去听那些看起来有趣的课程。

It wasn\'t all romantic.I didn\'t have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends\' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5￠ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles acro town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple.I loved it.And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be pricele later on.Let me give you one example:

这一点也不浪漫。没了宿舍，所以我要到朋友家睡地板；为了填饱肚子，我捡过值5美分的可乐罐；为了每周一顿的好一点的饭，每个星期天晚上，我穿街过巷，步行7英里到Hare Krishna教堂。我喜欢那里的饭菜。在好奇和直觉的引导下，我跌跌撞撞地遇到很多东西，这些后来被证明是无价瑰宝。我给你们举一个例子吧：

Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country.Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed.Because I had dropped out and didn\'t have to take the normal claes, I decided to take a calligraphy cla to learn how to do this.I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great.It was beautiful,

historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can\'t capture, and I found it fascinating.

那时候，里德学院的书法课程也许是全美最好的。学校里的每个海报，抽屉上的每个标签，上面全都是漂亮的书法。因为我退学了，没有了正常的课程，所以我决定去上/书法课，去学学怎样写出漂亮的字。我学到了san serif 和serif字体，我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中变化间距，还有怎么样做最好的版式。那种美感、真实感和艺术感，是科学永远不能捕捉到的，（我发现）那实在是太迷人了。

None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life.But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me.And we designed it all into the Mac.It was the first computer with beautiful typography.If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts.And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them.If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy cla, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do.Of course it was impoible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college.But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.

当时这些东西似乎在我生命中没什么可用之处。但十年之后，当我们在设计第一台Macintosh计算机的时候，就全部派上用场。我把当时我学的那些东西全都融入到Mac。那是拥有漂亮字体的第一台计算机。如果我当时没有退学，我没机会沉迷于书法课程，Mac就不会有种类繁多或的行距整齐的字体。如果Windows没有抄袭Mac，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。如果我没有退学，

我不会沉迷于书法课程，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。当然了，我在学校的时候不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来。但在十年之后回顾过去，这些东西历历在目。

Again, you can\'t connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards.So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future.You have to trust in something — your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever.This approach has never let me down, and it would made all the difference.

再说一次，你不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来；你只能在回顾的时候把它们串连起来。所以你必须相信这些点点滴滴是和你的未来项链的。你必须要相信某些东西：直觉、命运、生命、因缘等等。这个方法从未让我失望过，它让我与众不同。

第13篇：林肯

林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲

《林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲》是南北内战中为纪念在葛底斯堡战役中阵亡战士所做的一篇演讲。是林肯最出名的演讲，也是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一，用时不到2分钟

1863年7月3日葛底斯堡战役是美国南北战争中最为残酷的一战，这是南北战争的转折点。这场战役交战双方共死了51000人，而当时美国只有几百万人口。四个月后林肯总统到葛底斯堡战场访问，为这场伟大战役的阵亡将士墓举行落成仪式。

这篇演说是在1863年11月19日发表的。这篇演讲被认为是英语演讲中的最高典范，尤其重要的是，林肯在演讲中表达了一个政府存在的目的——民有、民治、民享。其演讲手稿被藏于美国国会图书馆，其演说辞被铸成金文，长存于牛津大学。至今，人们也常在许多重要场合提起或朗诵它。

虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说，但它没有好战之气。相反，这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞，赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们，以及他们为之献身的那些理想。

The Gettysburg Addre Gettysburg, Pennsylvania November 19, 1863

Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

第14篇：林肯竞选总统的演讲稿

美国总统林肯演讲稿 inaugural speech by abraham lincoln march 4th 1861 speech： i do not consider it neceary at present for me to discu those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states that by the acceion of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addrees you.i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that: i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so. those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is eential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawle invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only pre upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour.the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions: no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due. there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congre as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual.perpetuity is implied, if not expreed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.it is safe to aert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the expre provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impoible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an aociation of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by le than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself.the union is much older than the constitution.it was formed, in fact, by the articles of aociation in 1774.it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776.it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states exprely plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778.and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was to form a more perfect union. but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully poible, the union is le perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. i therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself exprely enjoins upon me, that the laws of the union be faithfully executed in all the states.doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and i shall perform it so far as practicable unle my rightful masters, the american people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.i trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. the mails, unle repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union.so far as poible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.the course here indicated will be followed unle current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. that there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it i will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, i need addre no word to them. to those, however, who really love the union may i not speak? all profe to be content in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not.happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied.if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one.but such is not our case.all the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly aured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain expre provisions for all poible questions.shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not exprely say.may congre prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not exprely say.must congre protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not exprely say.篇2：林肯总统演讲稿 four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. gettysburg addre abraham lincoln delivered on the 19th day of november, 1863 cemetery hill, gettysburg, pennsylvania but, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground.the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here.it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion; that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people by the people and for the people shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日 87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。篇4：林肯演讲稿 the gettysburg addre gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. but, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground.the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

第15篇：名人演讲稿2：亚伯拉罕.林肯

葛底斯堡演说

演讲时间：1863年11月19日

——史上最著名的十大演讲NO.2：亚伯拉罕.林肯演讲稿

葛底斯堡演说是林肯总统演说中最著名的一篇，也是在美国历史中最常被引用的演说。这篇演说时值美国南北战争，距北方军击败南方叛军的葛底斯堡决定性战役仅4个半月;而演说的场所则是在宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡国家公墓的致辞典礼。

87年前，我们的先辈在这个大陆上创建了一个新的国家。她孕育于自由之中，奉行人人生来平等的信条。

现在我们正进行一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行人人生来平等信条的国家是否能够长久坚持下去。我们相聚在这场战争的一个伟大战场上，我们来到这里把这战场的一部分奉献给那些为国家生存而捐躯的人们，作为他们最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全适合的、恰当的。但是，从更高的意义上说，我们是不能奉献，不能圣化，也不能神化这片土地的，因为那些曾经在这里战斗过的人们，活着的和死去的人们，已经圣化了这片土地，他们所做的远非我们的微薄之力所能扬抑。这个世界不大会注意也不会长久记得我们今天在这里所说的话，但是，它永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做的事。

毋宁说，我们活着的人，应该献身于留在我们面前的伟大任务：从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，以完成他们精诚所至的事业;我们在此下定最大的决心，以不让死者白白牺牲;让这个国家在上帝的保佑下获得自由的新生;让这个民有、民治、民享的政府与世长存。

第16篇：林肯演讲

The Gettysburg Addre

Abraham Lincoln

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this, but in a larger sense we cannot dedicate –we cannot consecrate –we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from those honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

最后一句参考译文如下：

在此，我们将献身于有待我们去完成的伟大事业，即我们将更加致力于完成先烈们曾为之献身的这一事业，即在此我们将下定决心，不使先烈的鲜血白流，即这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，必将得到自由的新生,一个民有、民治、民享的政府，必将永世长存。

这一段是这样翻译出来的：

(1)It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us─(2)that from those honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause (3)for which they gave the last full measure of devotion─(2)that we here highly resolve

(3)that these dead shall not have died in vain─(2)that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom─(2)and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perishfrom the earth.

分析：

这是林肯总统的“Gettysburg Addre”中最后、最重要、也是最长的一句话。词句虽稍长，并列结构多，但层次还是清楚的，一目了然。层次也不是很复杂，全句只有三个层次：主句，在全句的开始，前面标有（1）；从句，在每个“──”号之后，前面标有（2），表示第二个层次，共有四个；从句中的从句，前面标有（3），表示第三个层次，共有两个。关键是弄清这几层之间的关系：第二层次的四个并列从句皆为task 的同位语从句；第一个第三层次的从句为 cause 的定语从句，第二个则为 resolve 的宾语从句。每个层次还有一些其它结构，如 government 后就有三个著名于世的并列的 of 短语作定语，就不一一分析了。注意全句末尾反译（反面正译）手段的运用，比较原句反面的表达：“必不致从地球上消灭。”

参考译文：

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是声来平等的。

第17篇：传奇林肯

伟大历史人物林肯的光辉历程

摘要：美国历史上人人敬仰的总统，他的前半生以坚强的毅力克服各种困难，为他的后半生竞选美国总统并为人谋福利奠定了基础，在南北战争中鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已，维护了美国的统一，解放了黑人奴隶，是美国的资本主义飞速发展，逐渐走向世界强国之列，他就是林肯。

关键词：童年生活成功实践明星陨落

司马迁说：“人固有一死，或重于泰山，或轻于鸿毛。”林肯总统完全把他的一生完全奉献给了他追求的真理，他的死是重于泰山的。

一、成功前的奠基石

通向成功的道路是遥远的，其中有黑暗，泥泞，坑洼。这就需要一个人脚踏实地，满怀梦想，一步一个脚印踏实的堆高走向成功的奠基石。

大约一百年前，在肯塔基哈丁县的乡村，一个小男孩降生了，他注定将成为史上最伟大的人之一。这一天是1809年，孩子的父母很贫穷，他们居所的简陋与贫穷是你没见过的。他们贫贱无知，根本不敢想象因为这个孩子，他们会被几百万人铭记与尊重，并且这铭记与尊重还会持续到遥远的未来【1】。

1、林肯出生在卑微之家

（1）一个只有一个房间的小木屋，屋里没有地板，裸露着夯实的平坦的泥土。寒冷的冬天母亲只能在篝火前铺开一张熊皮让孩子们坐在上面，纷飞的大雪或冰雨不时的从没有门窗的小木屋灌进去。父亲以打猎为主，维持生计。

（2）林肯并没有因为自己卑微的家庭而变得颓废，而是以满腔的热情努力的为自己创造条件不断学习，心里怀着一个小小的梦想。林肯懂事时，母亲便耐心的教育他要忠诚和正直，给他讲故事，学习字母表，故事中有林肯崇拜的英雄任务和优秀人物事迹激励着他。

2、偏僻地区的童年生活

（1）由于偏僻地区的贫穷和落后，那里的人们只知道衣食住行，一个人能靠自己勤劳的双手养活自己乃至全家人是件自豪的事情，学习知识在人们看来是件很没必要的事情，林肯的父亲也并不关心读书的事情。林肯最先被送到学校是他母亲决定的，学校对偏僻地区的孩子们来说是个渴望。因为支付不起开办学校的开支，所以在那建立的学校开了不久也要关门的。然而林肯并没有停止学习，他热爱学习，经常借助炉火的光把旧旧的书看了一遍又一遍。在以后陆续开办的学校中，林肯都要去读书。直到有一天他的父亲强烈反对他学习，他依然坚持不懈的自学。

（2）在贫穷特定地点的年代里，家里的小孩也早早的充当了家里的劳动力。俗话说：“农村的孩子早当家。”林肯早早的帮助父亲伐木建屋，劈剪栅栏，童年几乎没有玩的时间。伙伴们经常去打猎，折磨或杀死任何生物的情景，都会触痛林肯善良的心灵。

林肯充分利用手头的东西，用木炭作笔，在树皮上写字，热爱知识，善良的他不愿伤害小动物，又怎么会忍心看着黑人奴隶受苦受难呢？他心中的小小的梦：他要过非凡的一生，尽全力让一生精彩。也许是一个爱国者，一个英雄人物？尽管他没想过当总统，但后来事实证明他成功了！

3、林肯当过船夫，撑过小小的船帮助过河的人；做过乡间小店的管理员，诚信经营，从不占别人便宜；做过一丝不苟的邮差，即使穷困潦倒，物资匮乏。但他对自己保管的公共财物从未动用一文钱。林肯说：“除了自己挣的，我没花过别人的钱。”学习土地测量，做过任劳任怨的土地测量员。尽管接触的都是粗鄙的原始的乡民，但他都彬彬有礼。后来，林肯热切地开始政治生涯。

二、黎明前的黑暗

黎明前是黑暗的，但同时也是一个人成长学习的过程。

1、二十五岁好时，他当选了州议员。

在过去的五年里结交了许多好友。林肯以他对人的忠诚，做事的严谨认真，吃苦耐劳的精神，当选了州议员。熟话说：“磨刀不误砍柴工。”我想林肯这把“刀”已经磨得锋利了，但还需要在今后的风雨中勇往直前，是自己变得更加强大，他已经迈出了人生的一小步。

2、林肯当上了律师，作巡回律师

州议会再次召开，此时林肯已被视为辉格党的领导人之一。林肯在律师事务所工作，林肯出庭返回途中，帮助小鸟找鸟窝，他的朋友感慨：想到他魁梧强壮的性格，想到他的内心深处的脉脉温情，想到他对一切脆弱和无助事物的仁慈友爱，正是这仁慈友爱和同情之心使他高尚、崇高。他的温情和亲善使得他日后赢得无数追随者们的敬爱。【2】

3、黑人奴隶的救世主

整个夏天林肯一直忙着为辉格党举行竞选演说。我们知道，林肯关注蓄奴问题。来自贫苦阶层的林肯，怎能不知奴隶的苦难，他们如在地狱般的艰难的生活。我们这些平凡的人也不禁对他们表示同情。没有自由，没有权利，只被当成会说话的工具，你能忍受这种苦难吗？答案是肯定的。伟大的林肯救世主，他终将成为黑人奴隶天使。人人应该享有平等的权力！

林肯一直在为废奴做着不懈的努力和斗争，这一问题也成为所有有头脑的美国人最为关心的问题。

三、一步一个脚印的成功

我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们不能是敌人，尽管激动的情绪绷紧了我们之间感情的纽带，但这感情的纽带绝不会断裂。那一根根不可思议的记忆之弦，在这片辽阔的土地上，从每一个战场，每一个人爱国志士的墓碑，延伸到每一个跳动的心和每一个家庭，它终有一天会被我们的良知所触动，再次奏响联邦交响曲！

【3】 1.激烈的竞选

（1）劈栅栏木条可以说是林肯从小练出来的技能了，且还干的不错。与会代表知道了他不但会劈栅栏条，而且他简直是无所不能，无所不会，他们决定把林肯作为伊利诺伊州推出的总统候选人。

(2)随即是一周后的芝加哥选举，这次会议最主要任务是选出一名代表角逐美国总统。经过激烈的首轮投票和第二轮投票，林肯获得了高票和肯定。代表们兴奋狂热，都满意选出一位如此富于魅力并拥有坚强力量的候选人。

（3）选举日如期而来，平静而去。选举结果正如人们所预见的，林肯当选

了美国新一任总统。这是伟大的胜利，同时让人感到前景晦暗。

林肯当选的消息传来，“这是最好的借口”“我们的人民永远不会同意受一个黑色共和党人的统治！”整个南方都流传着一些关于新当选总统的谣言。那么，一场蓄谋已久的战争硝烟已弥漫在美国的天空中了吗？

“没有必要打仗，”林肯回答，“我对战争并不热衷。我可以提前声明如果国家不是被逼无奈，迫不得已，不会又流血事件发生。当然，国家有人会被迫以实际行动自卫。”1861年3月4日林肯先生宣布就职的时候到了。天空晴朗无云，它的历史和他那个时代的美国人民的真正的历史开始了。林肯总统脸上带着忧伤，心中怀着对正义者毕生的确定信念，走进白宫，用他的肩膀扛起拯救国家的重任。

2、承担责任和历史使命

就职典礼之后，形势似乎陷入暴风雨来临前的短暂平静中。一场南北战争到了一触即发的程度，不得不采取行动的时机很快就要来了。

（1）在萨姆特想起了第一声枪声，标志着南方向美国政府宣战。国旗被扯下并遭到敌人皮靴的践踏——这些都激起了北方人的爱国热情。那些一直坚持顺其自然的人们，也认为国家现在到了最危险的境地，国内好战情绪开始上升，到现在向南方宣战已经没有阻碍了。

“本是同根生，相煎何太急”。南方和北方同是一家人，因废奴问题得不到很好地解决，经济发展不平衡，爆发了南北战争。历史结果无数次证明：先进的资本主义必定取代封建庄园经济。顺应历史的潮流才是正确的。

战争初期，南方一些州建立南部同盟，接着挑起战争，北方的军队节节失利，为了扭转战局，林肯政府先后颁布了《宅地法》和《解放黑人奴隶宣言》，战争以南方军队投降，内战结束。美国的南北战争是美国历史上第二次资产阶级革命。虽然给美国人民带来了灾难，但它废除了黑人奴隶制度，较好地解决了农民的土地问题，维护了国家的统一，为美国资本主义的加速发展扫清了道路，并为美国跻身以世界强国之列奠定了基础。

林肯以出众的能力和卓越的操作能力，在南北战争期间再次被选举成为总统，可见他在美国人民心中的崇高地位。

（2）历史总是相似性的上演着：中国的国共战争，从北伐战争之后一直延

续至新中国成立。共产党领导广大工农人民取得了战争的胜利。历史的潮流不可逆转：社会主义已成为历史不可抗拒的潮流。

总的来说：任何人都不能逆道而行，违背历史的潮流是难以取得成功的，顺应历史的潮流才是正确的。林肯政府以正确的战略措施取得民心，胜利是必然的。

四、一颗明星的陨落

1、你的一生是碌碌无为的终老，还是轰轰烈烈的有价值的短暂？亲爱的朋友，请认真思考一下你人生的价值吧！俄国的列夫·托尔斯泰说“林肯具有独特的精神力量和伟大的人格，他的地位相当于乐坛上的贝多芬，诗歌中的但丁，绘画中的拉斐尔，人生哲学中的基督。”

林肯可以自豪的说：我不虚此生了。因为他已经完成了自己的梦想，成就了自己的事业，成功的解放了黑奴，获得了崇高的地位和美国人民乃至世界人民的尊重和热爱。他身边还有一位默默支持爱他的妻子。一生的一红颜知己足矣。

然而天妒英才，战争结束不久，林肯就被人暗杀。他倒下了，双目紧闭，没有看到没有听到，也没有感觉不知道发生了什么事。整个国家都为他哭泣。他的智慧是那么深远，心地是那么温厚，行为又是那么正确。世界的每一个角落都陷入了最深切的哀悼中，国内每一寸土地上都是悲痛，赞美和爱的缅怀【4】

林肯把他的一生完全奉献给了他认定追求的真理，他用他的一生践行着超越国家、种族、贫富、地域等界限的崇高理念。领导一个分裂的国家，逐步走向世界强国之林！

林肯完成了他人生之最绚丽的完美的弧线，为自己的人生添上了壮丽的一笔，轰轰烈烈在人间走了一遭。把他的一生为人民服务，成为时代的伟人。在人民的心里永生不朽！！！

参考文献：

【1】詹姆斯·鲍德温《林肯传》文滙出版社出版时间2010年7月第21页

【2】詹姆斯·鲍德温《林肯传》文滙出版社出版时间2010年7月第121页

【3】詹姆斯·鲍德温《林肯传》文滙出版社出版时间2010年7月第193页

【4】詹姆斯·鲍德温《林肯传》文滙出版社出版时间2010年7月第268页

第18篇：林肯读后感

《林肯传》读后感想及问题的简答

本人读的《林肯传》是成功学大师戴尔·卡耐基的扛鼎之作，也是他一生中撰写的仅有的一部传记。作者以其感人至深的笔触，生动再现了一个内心忧郁、富于理想、愈挫愈勇、满怀仁慈之心的林肯形象。林肯的从政之路充满坎坷和失败，但追求平等的政治理想却一直支撑着他屡败屡战，直至最终入主白宫。这位平民总统富于传奇色彩的一生，相信会让每一位读到过中《林肯传》的人们唏嘘不已。

本书的目录及简介第一部分

苦涩的足迹

弗吉尼亚风流往事悲惨的童年精神的追求机遇来临最后一片树叶玛丽·陶德逃婚的新郎道德与幸福第二部分成功的里程

家有悍妻清贫的律师生活家如地狱挥不散的哀伤

密苏里折衷案虽失足，但并没有摔倒终获提名离乡入主白宫第三部分人性的光辉

南北战争的第一次惨败空谈将军胜利的关键

总统和内阁成员独立宣言名将的对决获得连任一切顺其自然第一夫人遭遇暗杀

第四部分流芳后世

流芳后世

亚伯拉罕·林肯是美国第 16 任总统，他是美国历史上最伟大的总统，也是世界历史中最伟大的人物之一。他领导了拯救联邦和结束奴隶制度的伟大斗争，他通过颁布《解放奴隶宣言》，让四百万奴隶获得自由；他遇刺身亡后，美国正式废除了奴隶制。林肯成功维护了美国的统一，为推动美国社会向前发展做出了巨大贡献。尽管他仅在边疆受过一点儿初级教育，担任公职的经验也很少，然而，他那敏锐的洞察力和深厚的人道主义意识，使他成了美国历史上最伟大的总统。多少年来，人们被他的正直、仁慈和坚强的个性所吸引和折服，历次的民意测验都表明：他一直是美国历史上最受人景仰的总统之一。

林肯 1809 年 2 月 12 日黎明出生在肯塔基州哈定县霍尔以南 3 英里的小木屋里。用他自己的话说，他的童年是“一部贫穷的简明编年史”。小时候，他帮助家里搬柴、提水、做农活等。 9 岁的时候，母亲去世，这对林肯来说是一个残酷的打击。幸而继母对他很好，常常督促他读书、学习，他和继母的关系很融洽。后来，长大的林肯开始独立谋生，他当过农场雇工、石匠、船夫等。

1830 年，林肯一家迁居伊利诺斯州，在那里他第一次发表了政治演说。由于抨击黑奴制，提出一些有利于公众事业的建议，林肯在公众中有了影响，加上他具有杰出的人品， 1834 年他被选为州议员。两年后，林肯通过自学成为一名律师，不久又成为州议会辉格党领袖。 1846 年，他当选为美国众议员。

1854 年，北方各州主张废奴和限制奴隶制的资产阶级人士成立了共和党，林肯很快成为这个新党的领导者。 1858 年，他发表了著名演说《家庭纠纷》，要求限制黑人奴隶的发展，实现祖国统一。演说表达了北方资产阶级的愿望，也反映了全国人民的意愿，因而为林肯赢得了巨大声望。 1860 年，林肯作为共和党候选人，当选为美国第 16 任总统。林肯上任后不久，南部奴隶主挑起了南北战争。在这场战争中，林肯肩上的担子之沉重，是以往绝大多数美国总统无法比拟的。但是，他凭借着自己的非凡毅力和决心履行了自己的职责，即使在遭到诋毁时，也从未动摇他的方向：恢复联邦、废除奴隶制。 1862 年 9 月，林肯发布了著名的《解放黑奴宣言》，宣布废除奴隶制，解放黑奴。 1864 年 6 月南北战争以北方胜利而告结束，它标志着奴隶制的彻底崩溃。

由于林肯的卓越功绩， 1864 年 11 月 8 日他再次当选为美国总统。然而，还没等林肯把他的战后政策付诸实施，悲剧发生了。 1865 年 4 月 14 日晚 10 时 15 分，林肯在华盛顿福特剧院遇刺。凶手是一个同情南方的精神错乱的演员。 1865 年 4 月 15 日，亚伯拉罕·林肯去世，时年 56 岁。林肯去世后，他的遗体在 14 个城市供群众凭吊了两个多星期，后被安葬在普林斯菲尔德。

林肯语录

我走得很慢，但是我从不后退。

我未必稳操胜券，却始终以诚处世。我未必马到成功，却不忘心中的理想。我当与天下正真之士并肩而立，知其是而拥护之，知其非而弃之。

凡是不给别人自由的人他们就不应该得到自由而在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能长远地保持住自由的。

每个人心中都存有继续往前的使命感，努力奋斗是每个人的责任，我对这样的责任怀有一份舍我其谁的信念。

如果他在英国买一件衣服，那么英国获得了价值即钱，美国获得了使用价值;但是如果在美国买这件衣服，那么美国就既获得了价值又获得了实用价值。

人生最美好的东西，就是他同别人的友谊。

给别人自由和维护自己的自由，两者同样是崇高的事业。我们关心的，不是你是否失败了，而是你对失败能否无怨。好学者必成大器。

事实上教育便是一种早期的习惯。

凡是不给别人自由的人，他们自己就不应该得到自由，而且在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。

大树倒下才量的最准。

预测未来最好的方法就是去创造未来。

与其跟一只狗争路，不如让它先行一步；如果被它咬了一口，你即使把它打死，也不能治好你的伤口。

性格犹如树林，名声犹如它的影子。影子是我们所思考的东西，树就是那个东西。

问题：

1.林肯与其生活时代的背景关系，搞清楚他做什么想什么？

答：在欧洲殖民者到来之前，北美大陆的居民印第安人仍处在原始社会阶段。英国在北美的殖民地一开始就是建立在资本主义的基础上的。自1619年第一批非洲黑奴被贩卖到南部的弗吉尼亚当奴隶起，黑人奴隶制也就逐步扩大开来了。经过1775——1783年独立战争，美国人民推翻了英国殖民统治，但是消灭奴隶制这一民主革命的任务没有结决。在一国之内同时存在了两种社会经济制度——北部的资本主义自由雇佣劳动制和南部的种植场黑人奴隶制。工业革命时期，北方建立了许多制造业工厂和作坊，但在南方，则是利用黑奴大力发展棉花、玉米和烟草等种植园经济。

1809年2月，林肯就出生于这样一种情况下的美国。他生于肯塔基州一个贫苦农民的家庭。他们一家是美国边疆开拓者的一部分，和很多移民一样，开垦着长期沉睡的处女地，开拓着中西部新的垦殖区。小阿伯从小就过着非常艰辛的日子，除了念书，他还要帮家里干活：帮忙伐树开荒、收割庄稼„„。而林肯的家人，尤其是林肯的继母，都是典型的劳动人民。他们勤恳劳作、坚强质朴，生活虽苦，却仍为活着而感恩。这些都强烈而无声地感染着林肯，使他幼小的心灵形成了善良、质朴、诚恳、顽强的品格。迫于生计，他先后干过店员、村邮务员、测量员和劈栅栏木条等多种工作。1834年，他当选为伊利诺斯州议员，才开始了他的政治生涯。当时，美国奴隶制猖獗，1854年南部奴隶主竟派遣一批暴徒拥入堪萨斯州、用武力强制推行奴隶制度，引起了堪萨斯内战。这一事件激起了林肯的斗争热情，他明确地宣布了他要“为争取自由和废除奴隶制而斗争”的政治主张。1860年他当选为总统。南方奴隶主对林肯的政治主张是清楚的，他们当然不愿坐以待毙。1861年，南部7个州的代表脱离联邦，宣布独立，自组“南部联盟”，并于4月12日开始向联邦军队发起攻击，内战爆发初期，联邦军队一再失利。1862年9月22日，林肯宣布了亲自起草的具有伟大历史意义的文献——《解放黑奴宣言》草案（即后来的《解放宣言》），从此战争形势才开始发生了明显的变化，北部军队很快地由防御转入了进攻，1865年终于获得了彻底的胜利。此时，林肯在美国人民中的声望已愈来愈高了，1864年，林肯再度当选为总统。但不幸的是，1865年4月14日晚，他在华盛顿福特剧院观剧时突然遭到枪击，次日清晨与世长辞。 1831年，22岁，经商失败。 1832年，23岁，竞选众议员，但落选了，想进法学院学法律，但进不去。 1833年，24岁，向朋友借钱经商，年底破产；接下来花了16年，才把这笔钱还清。 1834年，25岁，再次竞选州议员，当选。 1835年，26岁，订婚后即将结婚时，未婚妻病逝。1836年，27岁，精神完全崩溃，卧病在床6个月。 1838年，29岁，努力争取成为州议员的发言人，没有成功。1840年，31岁，争取成为被选举人，落选了。 1843年，34岁，参加国会大选，又落选了。1846年，37岁，再次参加国会大选，这次当选了。 1848年，39岁，寻求国会议员连任，失败了。 1849年，40岁，想在自己州内担任土地局长，被拒绝了。1855年，46岁，竞选参议员，落选了。 1865年3月4日林肯第二次就职时的情景1856年，47岁，在共和党的全国代表大会上争取副总统的提名得票不到100张。1858年，49岁，再度参选参议员，再度落选。1860年，51岁，当选美国总统。

1864年，55岁，连任美国总统，北方军取得胜利。1865年，56岁，内战结束被枪杀在福特剧场。

2.林肯行动与思想的关系，搞清楚他的价值选择价值判断所依据的价值观？

答：林肯是是美国历史上的一位被人们当做圣人崇拜的领袖人物。在美国历史上不可胜数的伟大领袖人物中，林肯的形象永远是高踞与其他所有人士之上的。这并不是偶然的原因或人们盲目崇拜的结果，而是林肯从他开始长大成人，踏入正途，就始终如一注重自身的修养而成为一个品德高尚的人。

正是这种高尚的品德和自身的修养，使林肯从他所生活的环境和人群中脱颖而出，日益成为当时当地的重要人物，成为周围人们的共同朋友和完全可以信任的领袖。

在美国南北战争时期，以林肯为代表的北方资产阶级同南方种植园奴隶主之间展开了毫不妥协的斗争。

一次，有个姑娘要求林肯为她开具一张去南方探亲的通行证。林肯看了看她和蔼地说：“你准是个北方派，要去那里劝说你的亲友。”不料那姑娘却坚决地说：“我是个南方派，我要去鼓励那里的人同你战斗，不要悲观失望。”

林肯听了以后十分不悦：“那你还来找我干什么？”姑娘镇静地回答：“总统先生，我在学校读书的时候，老师就给我们讲过诚实林肯的故事。从此，我便下定决心要学林肯，一辈子不说谎。我当然不能为了获取一张通行证就改变自己坚持多年的信仰。”

听了姑娘这合情入理的一番话，林肯顿时感悟到自己的看法有些失之武断了。于是又和蔼地对她说：“好，那我给你开一张.\"说着，就在一张卡片上写下了这样一行字：“请让持本卡片的姑娘通行，因为她是一个可以信得过的人。”

林肯出生于笃信加尔文主义的浸礼会教徒家庭，从很早的时候就被烙上了加尔文主义的印记。但是他在青少年时期激烈地反对这种影响，拒绝加入他父母的教会，而且对宗教持怀疑态度。当林肯在斯普林菲尔德做律师时，在人们的印象中他是个宗教怀疑论者或“自然神论信仰者”。此时步人政坛的林肯已经意识到没有明确的宗教信仰可能对他的政治前途产生不利影响，便对自己的宗教观刻意掩饰或避而不谈，这是林肯的宗教思想晦暗不明的重要原因。为了回应他人对自己不信仰宗教的指责，林肯在1846年极为罕见地在一份传单中吐露心声，声称他相信的是所谓的“必然性原则”，认为人们不能根据自由意志进行选择，人类行为是对动机的回应，而基本的动机则是自身利益。从19世纪50年代开始，林肯常常提到“天意”，并坚信“天意”的存在。在林肯宗教思想的论述中，除了上帝之外，“天意”可能是古尔佐使用频率最高的词汇。在守旧派神学家眼中，“天意”是用来描述上帝如何直接统治宇宙的，上帝不仅创造了世界，而且统管世界万物的所有活动。林肯所信仰的不是基督教意义上的天意，而是由因果关系所致的“必然性”，“在人类事务中有一种可以依靠的历史或辩证的逻辑„„能够根据某些需要做出某些回应”。实际上，正是因为概念上的模棱两可，林肯才随心所欲的对天意大谈特谈，而不会产生对他不利的影响。林肯担任总统后，在内战的头一年里，林肯的政府公文里更加频繁地提及“天意”的支配，

3.林肯的性格与事件的关系，搞清楚他在重大事件中难以企及的品质？

答：林肯趣事

（一）

林肯经常开玩笑。早在读书时，有一次考试，老师问他：“你愿意答一道难题，还是两道容易的题目？”林

肯很有把握地答：“答一道难题吧。”“那你回答，鸡蛋是怎么来的？”“鸡生的。”老师又问：“那鸡又是从哪里来的呢？”“老师，这已经是第二道题了。”林肯微笑着说。

（二）

当上总统后，由于是鞋匠的儿子，受人侮辱。他的一个手下在纸条上写了“笨蛋”传给林肯。林肯看后，不但没有生气，反而幽默地说：“我们这里只写正文，不记名。而这个人只写了名字，没写正文。”

（三）

一次，林肯步行到城里去。一辆汽车从他身后开来时，他扬手让车停下来，对司机说：“能不能替我把这件大衣捎到城里去？”“当然可以，”司机说，“可我怎样将大衣交还给你呢？”林肯回答说：“哦，这很简单，我打算裹在大衣里头。”司机被他的幽默所折服，笑着让他上了车。

（四）

林肯当过律师。有一次出庭，对方律师把一个简单的论据翻来覆去地陈述了两个多小时，讲得听众都不耐烦了。好不容易才轮到林肯上台替被告辩护，他走上讲台，先把外衣脱下放在桌上，然后拿起玻璃杯喝了两口水，接着重新穿上外衣，然后再脱下外衣放在桌上，又再喝水，再穿衣，这样反反复复了五六次，法庭上的听众笑得前俯后仰。林肯一言不发，在笑声过后才开始他的辩护演说。

（五）

林肯的脸较长，不好看。一次，他和斯蒂芬·道格拉斯辩论，道格拉斯讥讽他是两面派，林肯答道：“要是我有另一副面孔的话，我还会戴这副难看的面孔吗？”

（六）

有一次，林肯在擦自己的皮鞋，一个外国外交官向他走来说：“总统先生，您竟擦自己的皮鞋？”“是的，”林肯诧异地反问，“难道你擦别人的皮鞋？”

（七）

一次，某议员批评林肯总统对敌人的态度时，质问道：“你为什么要试图跟他们做朋友呢？你应当试图去消灭他们。”

“我难道不是在消灭政敌吗？当我使他们成为我的朋友时，政敌就不存在了。”林肯温和地说。

（八）

又有一次，一个妇人来找林肯，她理直气壮地说：“总统先生，你一定要给我儿子一个上校的职位。我们应该有这样的权利，因为我的祖父曾参加过雷新顿战役，我的叔父在布拉敦斯堡是惟一没有逃跑的人，而我的父亲又参加过纳奥林斯之战，我丈夫是在曼特莱战死的，所以„„”林肯回答说：“夫人，你们一家三代为国服务，对国家的贡献实在够多了，我深表敬意。现在你能不能给别人一个为国效命的机会？”那妇人无话可说，只好悄悄走了。

分析

林肯的乐观态度使他不因为自己出身卑贱就感到自卑，反以实际行动向世人证明，一个鞋匠的孩子也可以通过个人努力成为美国总统。他的乐观精神还使他不因生活坎坷就自暴自 5

弃，相反他在挫折中不断地吸取教训，以变得更加成熟聪明。更重要的是，林肯的乐观人格使他养就了那发自内心的幽默感，这不仅是他自我平衡的重要手段，也是他招人喜欢的有利武器。林肯在生活能力上虽是一个低能者，但在乐观态度上是个优胜者。林肯是乐观人格的典范，他经常挂在嘴边的一句话是：“上帝一定很喜欢平民，不然他不会造就出这么多平民来。”

美国著名文学家爱默生曾评论林肯说：“他是一个没有假日的总统，一个没有睛日的水手。”那么，是什么力量支撑着林肯顽强地活了下来？从心理学上讲，是林肯的乐观人格使他在挫折面前不屈不挠，永不言败，直至获得最后的成功。

林肯从1834年竞选公职以来，输掉了每次重大的竞选。特别是1854年与1858年竞选伊利诺期州参议员时，都是以相当近的比差输给自己的竞选对手。1860年林肯转而竞争美国共和党总统提名，结果获胜，并在同年11月当选美国总统。有趣的是，林肯的反奴隶制立场受到他父亲的全部亲戚、他母系和太太家系大多数人的反对。而南北战争爆发之后，他的大小舅子们全在南军服役。

林肯就任总统期间，大部分精力都放在对付南军的反叛，结果北军在战场中一再失手，直到后来林肯提拔格兰特将军才迫使南军彻底投降。四年的内战终于结束，奴隶制也被正式废除。然而，就在林肯可以松一口气时，他却在福特剧院观看演出时被人刺杀，时年56岁。

林肯的一生是在接踵不断的磨难中度过的。挫折是他的生活的主旋律，抑郁是他个人的大敌。但他还是挺过来，直到生命的最后一刻！

林肯身上有许多可爱之处。他从来不遮掩自己，当有人笑话他的父亲曾是个鞋匠，林肯笑笑说：“不错，我父亲是个鞋匠，但我希望我治国能像我父亲做鞋那样地娴熟高超。”林肯善于用最通俗的语言来表达最深刻的道理。他被人最常引用名言是：“你可以在任何时候愚弄某些人，也可以有时愚弄所有的人，但你不可能总是愚弄所有的人。”

林肯虽生活坎坷，饱经挫折，却仍乐观地等待明天。纵观林肯的一生，他欢乐的时刻要远远少于悲痛与烦恼的时分，但他还在坚持不懈地拚搏。这一点就连他的对手都对他敬佩不已。斯蒂芬道格拉斯这个两次击败过林肯的竞选对手在评价老对手时说：“他是他党内强有力的人物，才智超群，阅历丰富；因为他那副滑稽可笑和说笑话不动声色的模样，他是西部最优秀的竞选演说家。”南军总司令罗伯特李将军也曾言：“林肯是他一生中最敬佩的人，尽管他们的政见不同”。

林肯的可爱还在于他虽在政界混打了多年，却不改其朴实无华的本色。林肯不是一个完人，有着许多毛病，但他是一个善良的人，一个顽强的人，一个富有正义感的人，一个通情达理的人。林肯入主白宫时，想的只是要推翻奴隶制，他没想到这竟会使他成为美国历史上最伟大的总统。在当时，他曾十分担心这样做会导致国家的分裂，但他不惜国家分裂也要推翻奴隶制，因为他坚信《独立宣言》的开场白：人生来平等。尽管林肯的个人生活很不幸，但他却使千千万万的老百姓获得了幸福。

第19篇：亚伯拉罕.林肯

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亚伯拉罕.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说(1963-11-19)TheGettyurgAddrebyPresidentLincoln亚伯拉罕.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说

1963年11月19日

Fourscoreandsevenyearsago,ourfathersbroughtforthuponthiscontinent

anewNation,conceivedinLiberty,anddedicatedtothepropositionthatallmenarecreatedequal.Now,weareengagedinagreatCivilWar,testingwhetherthatNation,oranynationsoconceivedandsodedicated,canlongendure.Wearemetonagreatbattlefieldofthatwar.Wehavecometodedicateaportionofthatfieldasafinalresting-placeforthosewhogavetheirlivesthatNationmightlive.Itisaltogetherfittingandproperthatweshoulddothis.But,inalargersee,wecaotdedicate,wecaotcoecrate,wecaothallowthisground.Thebravemen,livinganddead,whostruggledhere,havecoecrateditfaraboveourpowertoaddordetract.Theworldwilllittlenotenorlongrememberwhatwesayhere,butitcanneverforgetwhattheydidhere.Itisforus,theliving,rathertobededicatedtothegreattaskremainingbeforeuthatfromthesehonoreddead,wetakeincreaseddevotiontothatcauseforwhichtheygavethelastfullmeasureofdevotiothatthisNation,underGOD,shallhaveanewbirthoffreedom;andthatgovernmentofthePeoplebythePeopleandforthePeopleshallnotperishfromtheearth.\"

AbrahamLincoln

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

亚伯拉罕•林肯

第20篇：林肯演讲

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived inLiberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.\"

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。亚伯拉罕.林肯

《林肯演讲稿.doc》